Najib Ghadbian, Syrian Opposition Consultative Council Member HARDtalk


Najib Ghadbian, Syrian Opposition Consultative Council Member

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speech on behalf of a charity. Now it is time for HARDtalk.

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His Syria in the throes of a revolution? More than 1,000 people

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are said to have been killed in the Government's response to protests.

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But the rebellion has not been crushed. Here are the organisers

:00:28.:00:38.
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and activists of the street revolt? What do they want? My guest today

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is Najib Ghadbian. She is a member of the newly-formed Syrian

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Opposition Consultative Council. What would happen if President

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Assad went? It would chaos follow? Najib Ghadbian, welcome to HARDtalk.

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Thank you for having me. Let's start with the latest reports on

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the grounds of Syria. We're not allowed into Syria but reports

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suggest there is a huge amount of tension around a northern town.

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What are you hearing? We're hearing a couple of things. Firstly there

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is a mass movement of people are afraid they will be it revenge from

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the authorities. They left towns and are at the border. Numbers

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estimate between 1015 hundred. They're mostly on the Syrian side

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of the border. Some Irene Turkey. We have been able to talk to some

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of them but we're losing contact. They started increasing. Let's get

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this straight. The BBC has been told that the Government says 120

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security personnel were massacred by armed gangs in that northern

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town. Are you saying that did not happen? We very much question the

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story of the armed gangs. We have soldiers -- stories of soldiers who

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had been killed. We believe this is because they opened fire on

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demonstrators or they defected. We have 21 documented cases of

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protesters killed. Most of soldiers to have been killed have been by

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security forces for refusing to carry out orders. The Syrian

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government has provided the names, the background to the dozens and

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dozens of security force personnel who they say have been killed by

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armed gangs and extremists. Given the level of detail it does seem

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they must be some truth behind the notion that some of the protesters,

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the opposition forces, have arms and day using them. We know that

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some people have arms but so far they have shown great restraint.

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One of the strengths of the revolution is that it is peaceful.

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But you know that a substantial number of protesters have access to

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weapons. Some people in towns do have personal weapons, like pistols

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and rifles. There has been talking up arms coming over the border, for

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example by Turkey. What we're have here is a professional army. Then

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we have this elite unit recruited by individuals loyal to the regime.

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It is these elite units that are being carried out -- carrying out

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most of the killings, not the regular Army. We have the story of

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a soldier who was brave enough to say that he was witness to two

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massacres. It is very difficult for you to know what is going on, just

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as it is for me. You're based in the United States and are now very

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involved with the precedent reformists. The fact is you are a

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long way from the action. How can you be sure that the information

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you are receiving it is not manipulated? What is happening, by

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not allowing independent media access to Syria, which we would

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like. Remember that Egypt was a televised resolution -- revolution.

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The young people here are very savvy with technology a video

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taping what is happening on the ground. They send them to ask. This

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is the only way for us to spread the word. Many people watching this

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will the scene graphic images of bodies and security force and now -

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- personnel beating protesters. But it is easy to manipulate stories

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and 40. But let's look at the case of the gay girl in Damascus. That

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was her blog title. It has become unclear whether this apparently

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brave woman actually existed. There is a? About that. She does exist. I

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know colleagues to know her as a person. I do not know her

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personally. How do you explain that the US embassy in Damascus says

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they have no record of her? I do not have this detail but it is not

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in our interests to exaggerate news. We do not need to do that. The

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facts and the figures speak for themselves. Let's talk about these

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stories of the tortured boy. A 13- year-old boy he was involved in a

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protest. His badly brutalised body was returned to his family later in

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May. What they asked the family to do is buried the body right away.

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But they called someone with a video camera to tell the story.

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This is to prevent further brutality and killings. We do not

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need to make up anything. The regime is carrying out all for

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crimes. But just to be clear about this, you're not denying that

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protesters have access to some weapons? If they have access -- i

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using weapons, do you think that is justifiable? People have the right

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to defend themselves. But they are making a conscious decision not to

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do that. One of the strategies of the regime is to instigate a

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violent attack on the security forces. You have dismissed the

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notion that extremists and savage showers with help from the outside

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are at the heart of the movement. But this is what you wrote in

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September. You said that the response of the regime at towards

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the movement were likely to push people towards extremism. That is

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what you wrote. Yes, but some -- things change. This revolution is a

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continuation of the Arabs spring. We were surprised at how quickly

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the youth of Syria responded to the movement. They decided to follow

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the peaceful model. Even the Muslim Brotherhood have embraced and

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emphasise the peaceful nature of this revolution. In Syria it is

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important to remind people there were at clashes between the Muslim

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Brotherhood and the regime in the 1980s. Because the Muslim

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Brotherhood carried out violence that enabled the regime to carry

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out violent reprisals. So the Muslim Brotherhood and more

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extremist Islamic figures are not significant players? None of the

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traditional political parties are very active. This is a movement

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made up of young people here are not politicised. They are a product

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of social media. They watched what happened in other countries and

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decided to take things into their own hands. You are outside and

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these people you cannot -- characterise as the heart of the

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movement are inside. Just a few days ago you were involved in a

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meeting of dissidents and exiles of the regime in Turkey. When you put

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together a council at 31 and talked about this being a forum for

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national opposition how it that can be credible because you, for

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example, a well-established in the United States and not well known in

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Syria? All of us are in touch with colleagues inside. Before we did

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that meeting we did some coordination. We did not want to

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claim we carried the revolution because the inside is not ready. We

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want the people who are leading activities on the ground to form

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their own representative body. Once they do that we can talk to them

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and form something more represented will -- representative. That is

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part of the problem. The difference between in Europe. -- Egypt. In

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Egypt it was relatively easy for people to gather together in the

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open. That is not possibility -- possible in Syria. In Syria

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political opposition is not allowed. There is a law that makes

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membership of the Muslim Brotherhood punishable by death so

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you have to find ways to be able to be active and continue to survive.

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We took good vintage -- advantage of new media so there is contact

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between the outside and inside. not entirely convinced by new media

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being responsible for everything. The numbers of people who have come

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out on the streets in Syria have numbered in the thousands, possibly

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close to 10,000. But think about other countries where they were

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hundreds of thousands of people on the streets. A fundamentally

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different sort of public protest. The reason is as people try to get

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out, they am met by snipers. In Egypt, they were allowed opposition,

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they were allowed independent media. None of that exists in Syria.

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By it we are talking about Damascus being the most important political

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centre in the country. We have not seen demonstrations, only

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occasionally in the suburbs. Frankly, the capital of Syria has

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been free of the sort of political protest you want to see. That is

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not accurate. We have seen a substantial demonstrations in the

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walled town of Damascus. Damascus is two provinces. The city and the

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suburbs. Inside the town it is happening now. Each demonstrator is

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the equivalent to 10,000 in the other cases because in the other

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cases, they were not allowed to demonstrate. Only if you tried to

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instigate the security forces you would be met with violence. Take

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Egypt, the whole revolution, I mean only 300 or so in the beginning and

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later 800 were killed. In Syria, over 1,000 have been killed and we

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have the names of those. The dynamics are different. Why are we

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seeing no signs of the President Assad regime splintering? We saw

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officials distancing themselves in Tunisia and Egypt and it is not

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happening in Syria. This is likely to happen in an advanced stage. We

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encouraged that very much and we always appeal because we believe

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there are patriotic people within the regime will will not approve of

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the brutality carried out, particularly by the security forces.

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One of those in the military. At one point, the military must make a

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decision. Will they want to side with the President who will go down

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Ed is carrying out the last stage or will they -- support of the

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Democratic side of Syria? But when one compares it with Egypt, you

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have called for the President to go and do called for the vice-

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president to take power for the transitional phase before a

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democratic process can be organised. But will that the reality. The

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vice-president carries no real weight at all. We all know the

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power lays with President Assad and his family. The fact is, there is

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no a transitional authority that would have credibility. It is more

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challenging, you are right. But there some institutions in Syria

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that could play a role in the transitional period. One of those

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is the army and the other is the government. There is something

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called a cabinet and the Prime Minister and the People's Council.

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While they are not representative and they act like rappers -- a

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rubber-stamp to the President's decisions but if they decide to,

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they could play a role. It seems to be a pretty desperate statement for

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a significant player in the opposition to say he wants the army

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takeover given it is the same army accused of causing the deaths of

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over 1,000 people? We believe the main pressure on the regime other

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demonstrations. They will play the major role in overthrowing the

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regime. What we want to do is make the transition as peaceful as

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possible. So we are opening the way for other institutions and people

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to join the rebels. You are in London and you are brought -- you

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are lobbying politicians, including some in Moscow, to put more

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pressure on Damascus and the President. Are you disappointed

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with the international reaction? That we be positive. I want you to

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be honest. The statement by the French Prime Minister of the day

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before yesterday, one of the things we expect is to isolate them

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diplomatically. We want a referral from the Security Council to the

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ICC. We have not got a Matt. have not even got a new Security

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Council resolution. The draft is sitting there and it seemed clear

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that Moscow is intent on blocking it using the veto if necessary.

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we want to everything possible to talk to them, get the information

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to them and tell them it is in your interest to finally signed over to

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the people. But it would only be of symbolic value anyway. They are

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talking about condemnation of the violence they have seen and are

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clearly gaining the authorities and demanding immediate cessation. They

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want humanitarian authorities to be allowed in. All of that is good but

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it will not actually address the fundamental problem you have which

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is the President Assad regime is still strong and intent on staying

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in power and the international community is not prepared to do

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anything about it, unlike in Libya. But what we want to say is the

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regime has been isolated already. There are sanctions in place.

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they are symbolic sanctions but will not bring the regime down.

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people of Syria will bring the regime down. This is important. We

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do not expect to the international community to do it on our behalf

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but we want them to take on responsibilities. In the case of

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Libya, those countries took an early response and I believe if

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they do take these actions now, that may prevent further killing

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and further repression, this significance of the effort rather

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than believing that these motions will bring down the regime. But is

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it not true that Tony Blair put it plainly himself just hours ago,

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that the cautious international response to the Syria situation is

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based on a profound fear of what would come after her President

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Assad? They say if they are sad regime -- they say if the present

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Assad regime collapses, it would be difficult to figure out what would

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ensue? We are trying to tell the world we have a plan and strategy.

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We know what the reality is in Syria and we see a community that

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frankly could fall into secretarian -- strife. We look at neighbouring

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countries like Iraq and we see Syria as a typical place in the

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Middle East where there is a profound danger of a spiral into

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chaos. But in the 11th week we have not seen any sign of

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demonstrators... We have seen demonstrators emphasising national

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unity. The first individual victims were Christians. It started in the

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areas closest to these areas. We believe the events of their 80s...

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But there is deep concern in Washington in the EU and deep

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concern in Israel. A respected former peace negotiated for the

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Israelis says in foreign policy magazines that is where he's aware

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of the alternatives in Damascus and in discussions, they have been

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rooting for the Devil. That is their position but we want to say

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that what will emerge is a non- Devil, a democratic system, that is

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more representative of Syria, more responsible regional,

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internationally and that is why it is in everybody's interest to

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support this alternative. My second point is we are working to create

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structures. We are talking about Syrians everywhere, civic

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communities everywhere, coming together in a way I have never seen

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before. All components of Syrian society. In this state, they are

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carrying out a weekly demonstrations, collecting money to

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help. They are all united and this is what makes us believe it will

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happen. We are part of the whole plan in the Middle East to make it

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a more democratic region. So we are very hopeful. I feel the positivity

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but do you really believe it would -- you will win and bring President

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Assad down? Absolutely. In no time in my life and the young people of

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Syria, we talk to them, they are more optimistic. But we have seen

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big moments before in Syria, not least around their 80s, which ended

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in terrible bloodshed and paying for so many Syrians. We then saw

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the Damascus Spring and we saw the declaration in fife mac and the

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hope that they meet -- that may lead to fundamental reform.

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weakness with the Damascus situation, they did not have mass

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support at the time. It was more intellectual. Now it is the young

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people in the street who are under the age of 20 and are about 60% of

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the Syrian population who are taking to the streets. They are

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