The Alliance Party Alliance Party Conference

Hello and welcome to the conference. For the first time we are live to

hear the Alliance Party leader deliver his speech to the face full.

There are -- faithful. The party has hit new heights. Has it peaked?

With one ministerial post about to be scrapped, where does the party

go next? Naomi Long is addressing delegates and were shortly

introduce David Ford. We will hear that speech life. First I am joined

by our political editor. This is the first time the party has got

together to celebrate their success in last year's election. For so

long they were out on the fringes, behind the big four. It felt itself

marginalised. In it now feels it has broken into new ground and has

two of ministers in the executive. One minister was through the

special system, created for justice. There is the sense that alliance

has more than its mandate. Now it faces the challenge in the deal

that was done between Sinn Fein and the DUP with employment and

learning. That seems likely to happen over the course of this

summer. The change will be made potentially in the autumn. They

face challenges in the next Westminster election. There will be

Banbury changes. A good time for them right now but they must insure

they can move on. -- ensure. They were pointing out they have done

well in council elections. They did particularly well in the greater

Belfast area. They showed great strength with winning Castlereagh.

It is significant they are holding their conference in the La Mon

Hotel in the Castlereagh airier. They say they're getting into some

council areas but they face many challenges if David Ford wishes to

keep calm and start challenging the SDLP or the Unionists for that 4th

spot. There has been talked this week about what will happen. Will

they walk away from the Department of Justice portfolio? A lot of

angry statements for the alliance. Naomi Long has talked about the

shameless way, as she would see it, in which opponents have taken the

Department away. While there is anger, they seem to pull her

punches. There is no sense that Alliance is ready to walk away.

They need guarantees of job security. What they have any

success? There does not seem to be an appetite for it? I think they

are stuck between a rock and a hard place. If they say, we're walking

out of this executive... They used to portray themselves as the real

opposition at Stormont but if they walked away they would have to

explain it. That is the difficulty. I do not think I get any sense on

the ground of enthusiasm to pull out of the executive altogether. It

looks like they will not like it very much but limpet in the end.

What about the speech by Naomi Long? She talked about this

shameless tactic over employment and learning. She talked about a

reference to Peter Robinson and his support for shared education. She

talked about it as if it were a new idea. Alliance has been among the

pioneers in terms of integrated education down through the ears. A

joke at the expense of Alastair Macdonald, she said she could not

see him because of the lights. That was a joke at his expense. Another

joke I picked up what she had a section that dealt with the past.

This is what the alliance has been calling for. Talks for a consensus

on how to deal with the past. Owen Paterson has started exploratory

dialogue along these lines. He has not shown sufficient enthusiasm to

push this further. She pointed at she sees herself very much in the

lead position with the commemorations, having had the

debate at Westminster. She has said we are pushing the Government

unless. Northern Ireland has already said it has had its budget

discussions before that particular debate that Naomi Long raised. She

has to find a way. This is true, for everyone, of getting back into

the mix. The MPs, as were the MEPs, continue to get missed out.

Particularly in the run-up to the next Westminster election, it will

be interesting to see how she gets back and put herself in the

forefront. She is continuing her speech to delegates. It is

difficult, particularly in the media age, to keep that profile and

to keep it in the public consciousness. A lot of the stuff

that becomes public dialogue, to do with education, it gets decided at

Stormont. That seems to be the place where the local media is

focused. As we get further decisions coming up to be made over

the next few weeks and months, for instance the devolution of

corporation tax which was referred to, we will get maybe more profile

for the MPs. That will come down to negotiations between the

Westminster government and the executive. Let's take a look at

Stephen Farry speech. He was a great pains to point out what he

had done well. He decided he was going to ignore, how dare you take

the job off me? He said if corporation tax is devolved in

Northern Ireland, that is not the be-all and end-all. We have to look

at the kind of skills that investors will have to require. He

will publish research on what skills might be necessary in the

future. He has launched a pilot programme for opening up careers

centres on Saturday morning. Within the current market, people are in

employment but looking to change careers. This would open up the

Careers Service if, during the week, they cannot use the services that

are there at the moment. What about the shared future? Both Stephen

Farry and David thought will start a shared future proving all the

policies in that department. -- David Ford. That is about Section

75 of the Northern Ireland Act. Ministers will say, we have run

this through. What will be the impact of this policy in terms of

equality? The Alliance will say, will this policy help with the

shared future? Here is David Ford going to the podium. He is about to

begin his speech was dug they will start to undertake that. -- his

speech. He might not be there for that much longer. We will hopefully

hear that speech now. He is going to make a quip about that. Thank

you for that introduction. I was at the back of the hall, listening to

talking. A few weeks ago the Ulster Unionists elected a few -- a new

leader. He told everyone he grew up in the leafy suburbs of East

Belfast. He said, if I had lived a mile closer to the city centre, I

could not have been leader. Naomi Long was closer to the city centre.

She got where she got, not because an accident of birth, but because

of hard work and determination. She was Councillor and Lord Mayor

because of her dedication to the people of Belfast. She won a

parliamentary seat but inspired dozens of us to go out and work for

her and thousands to go out and work for her. We do not care where

you are from and what school you went too. What we care about is

what you are doing to make Northern Ireland a better place. We could

have no finer example than Naomi Long.

Conference, we meet today, at least in part to celebrate. Everyone else

is celebrating so I would join in as well. We will celebrate the

tremendous election victories of last year. 50% increase in the

number of councillors, including representation in four councils

where previously there was none. A bigger group continuing to hold the

balance of power and then shall good sense in Belfast. Twice as

many councillors as the UUP here in Castlereagh. Then there were the

Assembly elections. All six outgoing MLA is returned easily.

Stewart Dickson succeeded our former leader. Total vote up 60%

over all. Those votes Annat extra seats giving us the entitlement,

for the first time ever, a specific seat at the executives table. A

couple of weeks later, Stephen Fry joined me at the executive table.

In half of Northern Ireland, we are now not the 5th party. In half of

Northern Ireland, as a result of last year's elections, where now

the third party. That is some progress, that is some victory.

That is leading change. Just at the beginning of this week,

a couple of journalists reminded me of the Accra sea of some of my

recent election predictions. -- accuracy. I said that Naomi Long

could win the East Belfast and she did. I predicted we could have two

alliance ministers and we have. Wait for it, this year, here is my

election prediction. There is not going to be an election in May. If

there were, boy would we do well the Shia! -- this year. With no

election, it gives a bit more time for a detached reflection on where

we stand. This weekend is the 42nd birthday of the party. We are

particularly looking at the 14 years since the Good Friday

Agreement. Back in 1998, in the immediate post agreement period,

there were high hopes of a political shift, that support would

move away from so-called extremes. They were not fulfilled. For the

time it was difficult to convey the role of our party, when people

could have been forgiven for thinking the job of Alliance had

been done. There was ex -- acceptance of the principle of

consent. We knew that the party was about more than these objectives.

They were a framework within which we would work for a genuinely

shared future. In the language of the civil engineer, the agreement

was not a ceiling to ambitions but the foundation on which we would

build a different society. The prevailing view elsewhere was that

leadership was granted to the UUP and SDLP and subsequently to be DUP

and Sinn Fein. It was assumed all would be resolved by the political

elite on either side of the old divide. We should acknowledge there

has been some progress. We welcome that progress. We are in a better

place than a few years ago. We will recognise genuine movement towards

Our vision from any quarter. Let us not be deluded and shy away from

pointing out where those high expectations of 1998, the hopes of

an overwhelming majority who voted in that referendum on the agreement,

simply have not been fulfilled. We will not be frightened away from

pointing out where we need to go further or when the rhetoric of

Unionist and nationalist leaders is not reflected by the reality of

what we see in the communities we represent. That is why the party is

so relevant and why support is growing. Those who founded The

lines were impatient for change and impatient to see a transformation

of Northern Ireland. -- Alliance. They formed an alliance of

progressives who put the past behind them to change Northern

Ireland. That small group had a real vision, not just division, a

vision which they determined to put into practice and which they

sacrificed much to achieve. Sadly, we said farewell last year to

Oliver and Naomi Long has already paid significant tribute to him. He

was the driving force be - is back behind the formation of the party.

He brought his background and commitment to non-sectarian

politics. He was minister in the office of law reform. He led the

party right through to the assembly and was actively involved in a

negotiating team in the run-up to the Good Friday Agreement. As Naomi

Long reminded us, he came so close to winning and East Belfast seat in

1979 but he lived to see Naomi Long win that seat and play his part in

the campaign two years ago. Who can forget the powerful and determined

speech he made at the anniversary dinner? Today we remember all that

he achieved with thanks and gratitude. But for his leadership

we would not be where we are today it and nor would not an island. --

Oliver and that team were impatient. They weren't prepared to accept the

status quo. Nor are we in 2012. That is why we panned the cohesion

strategy dub lished in 2010. Should we have praised their achievement

in agreeing any strategy? Some may say so, but I is a no, our job,

even though we're in the Executive is not to walk away from our

principles. Our task is to hold to our ideals and denand actions that

we knee are needed. So even though we have worked with other parties

to produce a strategy, we will not sign up to anything that sells that

name short. The test for our support will be high. What is at

stake is whether orpt the Executive will deliver for our community on

the biggest challenge facing us toe creation of a genuinely shared

future. Let me be clear, I can tr CIS strategy is one of the most

important pieces of work the Assembly will do. I have asked

Chris Little to make it a priority, to engage with the other parties to

work for to strongest strategy to enable us to build a shared future.

I will not sign off on any strategy that does not result in more

children being edge kaited together, more people living in shared

communities, more interface structures coming a process for

dealing with the scourge of flags and m blems that blight so many --

emblems that blight so many areas. I will not compromise on a shared

But of course, we know that everyone's talking of a shared

future these days. When he is not threat on the collapse the power

sharing Executive over the badge on a pap, Peter Robinson is talking of

a shared future. When they're not insisting on maintaining the

sectarian part of the agreement, the SDLP talk about a shared future.

When he is not wrapping himself in the Union flag, Mike Nesbitt's

talking about a shared future. When they're not cutting the funding of

the kpross community youth programmes, Sinn Fein are talking

about a shared future. But talk is cheap. Like a ticket for the odd

sports vent being played by the other side, genuine leader will

turn up at winds sor Park before and not after God save the Queen.

Or arrive in arma before the Dr McKenna cup match. Skres churs are

empty if they don't lead to actions Because what costs in leadership is

to actually lead. To go into community and talk about lowering

barriers, and about building connections rather than fences.

What Peter Robinson preachs in the press is what he and his DUP

colleagues should actually put into practice on the streets of Belfast.

And what costs is also to face down bards of schools and say to them,

sorry, we know you're proud of your history, but time has come to think

of the future and segregation isn't part of the future that any of us

should be paying taxes for whra. Martin McGuinness claims to aspire

to, he and Sinn Fein should deliver in relation to teacher training.

Those men have spent time look back to the achievements of our

industrial past. But in doing so, how much attention have they paid

to the fact that politicians' actions in the decade of 1910 to

1920 entrenched the divisions that we live with today, the politicians

ee whose mantle they claim to inherit. So let's learn the lessons

and look forward. There is a question to be asked are we to

spend ten years rewriting the past, or writing a few stpuech? A shared

future. A future for all of us, freed from the sectarian dogmas of

past. Just look around this room, just look at who we are, the

diverse backgrounds we come fr, look at what we say and what we do,

look at what we campaigned for in councils in Westminster, in the

Assembly and in the two departments we run. Look at the shared future

check list we produced and ask could any other party subscribe

tulle ten points? You have heard from Steven about his work in the

department for employment and learning, you know what a

difference it is making to have not just a competent minister, but an

Alliance minister, and how steefren is using his opportunity to work

for a shared future. We all know that the DUP and Sinn Fein have

stated their intention to remove the department for employment and

learning, there are two possible explanations. Perhaps it is just

vandalism against an important economic department, rather than

the properly thought through reform that we want to see. But maybe it

is malice against Alliance, because of the strength of this party is a

threat to the big two, specialfully east Belfast. It happens all over

the world, ministers lose their posts. That is politics. But it

looks as if Stephen is to establish a record. He is the first minister

anywhere in nez islands threatened with the sack, because both he and

his party are successful in what As you have heard, Stephen is

working on a strategy for young people not in education, working or

training and he has dealt with tuition fees in higher education

and tackled vested interests ore the way we segregate teaching

training. So in case you think it is on Del that is achieving. Let me

say something stab work of the department for adjustment -- about

the work of the department of justice. Well the work is not yet

complete. It is clear that we waste significant sums, because of the

segregated nature of our society. Last year I was able to tell

conference we were developing a new community safety strategy. As I

said then, would we have included the word shared without an Alliance

minister? The department has a key role in supporting the police, the

reforms to establish new policing and community safety partnerships

are about ensuring we build better relationships between police

officers and communityy part of Northern Ireland. Modern policing

has a big part to play in delivering a shared future. As

minister responsible for prisons, I devote time to reform of our system.

Unlike the police service there were no big changes in years after

the agreement. Indeed I was told by a former director minister that

prison reform was put in the "Too difficult a"File and left for

devolved minister. Well too difficult noise at term I

understand or any alliance minister understands. Like much else in the

feeltd of justice, rather than being too difficult, prison reform

I can assure you we are tackling the reform programme and changing

from a model dominated by custody to work where we are work working

to make society safer. I ebbed the new skills centre in a prison with

the new minister for employment and learning. His department recognises

the role it can play in the are reform process. That is not just an

Alliance minister delivering change, it is two Alliance Ministers

delivering change together. We have reFered to one legacy issue faced

by my department, the so - called peace walls. They are a blight on

parts of Belfast and other towns. They're remindsers of the world we

want the leave behinds. Early in my post I was asked to ex tent e the

end a wall in Belfast, because of anti-social behaviour and acts of

violence. I don't blame the civil servants. But I have spent a

political lifetime seeking to end division. I opposed the last lig

barrier built at Hazelwood school. Yes, the irony, at Hazelwood

integrated primary school. So over a few meetings we worked out how we

could support those working with young people and invest in people,

not in barriers. We didn't extends the barrier there and that set the

tone for different attitudes. So last summer when there was rioting

in Belfast, we didn't extend barriers to make them higher or

longer. In September, I had the privilege, I didn't just talk to

officials, partners of the local community about opening up barriers.

I went up theen trim Road and helped a Kos dozen children kaut

ribbon and cut a gate in a bar jer that divided that park. The event

was covered life on the BBC. How sad that opening a gate in a public

park made live national news. But how positive that the local people

from both sides of the barrier supported by ground work, the

council, the community relations council, the police and the

department of justice, wanted to open the barrier that had gaided

them for so long. That morning one of those present spoke of a peace

gate and he was right. Because walls are a symbol of hate. While

opening up walls is a symbol of progress to the peaceful society we

desire. As well as that park, we have seen progress at Newington

Street and Northumberland Street. We are working with the

international funds to help remove barriers. That is Alliance

delivering, working in a partnership and leading change. Of

course, one of the key ways in which the department works is we

agreed a programme wfr -- before I became minister so a minister can

implement Alliance policies wh what could be one of the most

contentious departments. As minister of justice, I'm pleased to

have close contacts with Alan Chatter, the Irish minister for

justice. And with Kenny MacAskill, the Scottish cabinet Secretary, and

it is another example of the constructive attitude that we take

to the relationships in this region on this island and within these

islands. But it is not just common- sense, it was a pleasure last night

to strengthen strendsch friendsships with the --

friendships with Vernon Coker, and Brian Hayes, the minister of state,

addressing conference. Positive, friendly relationships of the kind

which we're committed. -- committed to. Conference, we can take pride

in what we have achieved. But what we have acheefrd simply marks out

the early steps. Earlier on I spoke about Oliver Napier and we lost

another stalwart with the passing of Addy More row. He was a deputy

leader of the party for 16 years and a member of the 1982 ass my and

served in so many role and was an inspiration. He was committed to

peace and reconciliation in every aspect of his life. While he

rejoiced in our success, I know he feared that as a community we

haven't done enough to secure a peaceful and genuine shared future.

He was certain that among all the parties, alliance alone was

determined to transform this I have mentioned recent elections.

The trend of results in recent years is clear. The UUP and the

SDLP are mirror images of each other. Their support drains away.

They cannot convey a sense of purpose to the electorate. They are

casting about for relevance but not connecting. Sinn Fein and the DUP

are also mirror images of each other. If the SDLP and the UUP are

to be pitied, Sinn Fein and the DUP are to be feared. They have settled

into a cosy calf up. The proposed destruction of the Department for

Employment and learning, plans for a dual carriageway, major spending

decisions taken on the basis of one for me and one for you. An agreed

policy where they share out the spoils of victory over Unionist and

nationalist rivals, entrenching their positions and the divisions

their policies represent. So much for the two parties left behind in

the past and the two parties operating the carve up in the

present. Vets have a look at this party. We are on the rise and look

to the future. We are connecting with people and we have shown we

can deliver. In Westminster, the Assembly, council chambers Accra on

the streets in the third and 4th biggest spending departments. Be

third party in one half of the region was representation in five

councils in the other half. Significant electoral campaigns in

six more. We have not done that for many years. We are building on

strong support and setting targets and meeting them. We're keeping

promises. We're not resting on our laurels. We have made detailed and

ambitious plans for the future. I make it clear appealed to those who

vote for, are members of, and even those who are elected and run -- as

representatives of other parties, do you want to be locked into the

same of politics, what you want to see a step change? Is the Unionists

and SDLP really going to deliver the future our country needs? If

you think they are, carry on. If you want to see eight genuinely

shared future, will you ever be able to achieve it in those

parties? Do you want there to be a never-ending battle for Unionist or

nationalist votes? To those people, I challenge you, take a look at

this shared future checklist. If you agree with it, can sign up to

it, this is the party you should be in if you want to transform society.

In this party, there are people who consider themselves nationalist and

people who consider themselves Unionist. People who consider

themselves neither and people who consider themselves both. Those

positions are all fine. In this party, although we may have

different backgrounds, we may wish to hold on to them. We do not let

them imprison us. If you want to build a united community, it really

is time to move out and move on. Do not wait for the future to happen

and come along at some point down the line. Join us, play your part,

make it happen tomorrow and in the coming weeks and months. One thing

that depresses me is, when I talked to people on the doorsteps and so

they want things to change, they hope they do but they do not think

it will happen in their lifetime. Maybe their children's children

will not be educated together. Maybe barriers will be brought down

by another generation yet unborn. I refuse to accept it. I joined

Alliance. I volunteered with Alliance and work with them,

represent them and now lead the party. I believed the politics of

the country can change. We need to truly unites our community. Today I

must mention another person in that context, when he lit a candle for

this society rather than a curse the darkness. Ray Davies recognise

the need to reconcile this community. The end of the last

period of violence did not mean a shared society. He died earlier

this week but left a powerful legacy. He remains a huge

inspiration. There is much more to be done and ending violence, much

more than encouraging better relationships between two distinct

groups. We need to move to a spirit of sharing and will cohesion. In

alliance, we follow in a noble tradition of dissenters. We

dissented in 1970 when we establish the party and we do cent in 2012.

We're not prepared to accept the status Clegg -- status quo. We'd

descent from the notion that some of our people are born Unionists

and some are born nationalists. And the at leat stultifying insistence

that with change one side out breeds the other. -- utterly

stultifying. I was asked in a meeting with the SDLP recently, if

you do not believe we should stick with the Good Friday Agreement,

what do you agree win -- in? We believe politics should be more

accountable and politics - as a good politicians should not be

labelled. All minorities are protected and cherished and, where

the share power on the basis of what we agreed to deliver, rather

than a simple car but. This drives me and the party - a radical change

to the future of our community. Conference, two years ago, I

challenged you to win a seat at Westminster and you delivered. Last

year I challenge due to receive the second ministerial post and he

delivered. I challenge you to win council seats in areas we were not

represented and to you delivered. In the last few years, we have

changed the electoral map. Five years ago there were four main

parties and now there are five. Before the media overlooked us and

now they look for us. Why we have achieved much, we will not rest. We

will work relentlessly to achieve our targets. We have proven we will

achieve and will settle for nothing less than continuing success. What

is next? What is the next stage in his party's growth? I think in the

words of Naomi Long, it is time to lift the ceiling of our electoral

ambitions. In 2014, we will elect yet more Alliance councillors. We

worked to ensure that? Another challenge, that our seat in

Parliament is successfully defended in 2015, what ever the boundaries

happen to beat. We owe it to Naomi Long to achieve that.

APPLAUSE a third challenge to you, a third challenge that, at the time

of the next assembly Macro elections, we will have moved his

party up quids out of 5th place. Conference, the last few years have

been critical for the growth of the party. The years ahead will be

critical for the future of our community. We have been leading

change and delivering change. Our community needs that change. The

work of building the party and a genuinely shared future for all the

people must advance. Let's all commit to that. Thank you very much.

The party leader enjoying the praise of delegates and a standing

ovation just at the end of his speech. Joined by Naomi Long, the

new MP at Westminster. That was based -- ate trend to ramp the

speech referring to that electoral success in the general election. --

a trend throughout the speech. An interesting speech from David Ford.

He wants to try to ensure that Naomi Long retains her seat. She

did have an historic victory in east Belfast. We are having a

Parliamentary Boundary Change which will make it much more of a South

East Belfast seat. It is more uncharted territory. They will have

to work hard to ensure she hangs on. The theme of that speech was, as

David Ford said at the end, rather than holding on to what they have

got, there is room for growth. He was looking towards a dream

scenario whereby the SDLP and Ulster Unionists wither away. He

was challenging their natural supporters, who believe in the

traditional moderate politics, the shared future, to come towards the

party has a better vehicle to achieve their aims were stuck next

spring in the Stephen Farry. thank you for joining us. What did

you make of that speech? Achieve their aims. You were seeing a party

full of confidence and optimism. We have had a number of very good

elections recently. We're setting the agenda of making further gains

over the elections to come. We feel we're the only party in Northern

Ireland that anyone - irrespective of background - can support. There

is no ceiling on ambitions. We're there to build a shared future and

to represent the entire community. What do you put that success down

to? Are people voting for you because it is not about

sectarianism? Is it about hard work on the streets? It is a combination

of things. We are hard workers. People know the quality and

consistent service that we bring. We have more and more people who

know we have to move away from the politics, as defined by violence,

and politics defined by vision. We have major economic opportunities.

That involves turning this region into a modern society - an open

economy - a shared future. Someone's background is of no

relevance whatsoever. It is what potential they bring to a vibrant,

polite society. That is where you see very young people rallying to

the cause of the party. There are so many young faces, not just at

the conference that a local government changes in Northern

Ireland in the Assembly. I am in the middle of the age group.

heard her mixture of sentence. Naomi Long talked about shameless

tactics of the opponents in taking your department away. David Ford

said you were the only minister who faces the top four being successful.

They rarely has been no kickback from the party, no serious threat

that you will walk out of the executive. Everyone needs to be

particularly careful not to take the party for granted. They have

done that and got away with it. is a live issue. Any decision to

renominated will have to be taken by the party council. We will see,

in the context of where we are at, what that will be. Do not take us

for granted. Why had he not use this conference as an opportunity

to debate on whether you should stay or go? There is a sense of

anger at what has been done. It is not about me, by the way. It is

about the mandate that thousands of people gave the Alliance Party at

the election. They voted for an Alliance voice. That is where the

anger lies was a bitter about the Department of Employment and

learning. -- anger lies. It is about. They are talking about there

being eight departments. Picking off one department, just because it

is an Alliance department, it seems reckless. That is putting it mildly.

We have an agenda based around skills. We need a sharp cutting

edge to be offering we are giving local businesses and investors. If

we plant that, it is a potential tragedy. We see that in terms of

voices coming from the community. They are telling the Government to

be very careful. Have you had the sense from people, I spoke to

delegates last night and this morning, to get the sense that

people want David Ford to walk away? I did not. People appreciate

we have a role to play in government. We do not want to walk

away. A very clear messages about as delivering - whether at

Westminster or on the floor of the assembly - in terms of the two

departments we halt. They appreciate the a-pawn -- the

importance of justice. They need to in that that role. What we are

asking for is a proper process, where we discuss the future of the

executive. There is a whole host of issues we have to consider. Let's

have a proper, rational debate and reduce the department's. Is that

We have a voice and... The decision you want is being ignored. We have

had a broad announcement made by the First Minister and deputy First

Minister, they're doing a consultation. It is my

understanding that the mess dge from that is clear and that they

want the decision taking on sound policy and economics. If Del is

going, they would want to see a department of the economy. What

they don't want a political carve up to undermine the work that is

happening. If the Alliance is reduced to a one department party,

shouldn't you follow the example of the SDLP and the unionists, where

the leader does not consider the minister. We have got ourselves in

a trap. It is the norm in every other coalition that leaders if

they want to take places in governments. One or two parties

have got themselves in some trap around this. The -- that would be

the right thing to do. You would be happy for him to continue in port

jobs. Yes and the party are happy with the job David is doing.

Leading justice is a challenging post and people appreciate how

difficult it is, with the sensitivities around the post. He

has shown that he is capable of delivering and handling sensitive

issues. It is important that that, that people recognise what he is

doing and also leading the party. Let's look at the specifics in your

speech, you talk about the cost of division, but yet the Alliance

Party supporting integrated education, wis which is an -- which

is an expensive third sector. Will you move away and go with shared

education? We see a spectrum of models of shared education. All fit

in. We have too many schools. So too much money is invested in

school buildings, rather than the interests of people and of proper

teaching. So sharing means a consldaigs of what we have and the

apex of that range of models. see integrated schools being kept

open at the expense of mainstream or Catholic schools? You see

pressure for this, often you see a village with a state school and a

Catholic school. There is pressure there. It make sense for both

schools to come together and have an integrated school, rather than

busing students on a central basis to different ys. There is

opposition to that, a lot of this is pie in the sky, a lot of people

are opposed to this and want to sends their child to a state or

Catholic school. Vested interests will always kick nfplts but if you

look at the opinion polls, they have shown around two thirds of

parents want to have the option of integrated schools. It is the only

sector where schools are oversubscribed. There is a desire

for that modsle. We only have 6% of children at integrated schools.

There is massive potential for development of the area and I

stress this is not just about the best outcome for education, but the

most financially viable solution. What about the integration and the

merging of the teaching training. That is something you wish that you

could have got on top of and taken through in your tenure? I'm still

in post and we have a process under way and I'm adopted a review of the

financial modsle of training college and we will have

discussions about models of sharing. It is a difficult issue with a lot

of passions around the table. But we have too many institutions in

Northern Ireland, recruiting too many teach efrs and we have to have

a system that is not based on protectsing the status quo. Change

has to happen. The current model is not sustainable. And let's hammer

out the best way forwards that. Will have to be a model of sharing.

Wave personal party view around an integrated model, but I want to

hear the views of other others. There was talk of May being the

time that the justice compromise came to an ends and then this

solution came up from the DUP and Sinn Fein in terms of doing awhich

with your D when do you expect that to be put into effect? They're

talking about this and May has gone as a dedsline. The dedsline has

taken place, so that ledline is out of way. There is no clarity as to

when things are going to happen. But it is important that I as

minister and my department remain focused on the job in hand. I have

an ambitious agenda of work and we have a lot of achievements. I am

pressing on regardless of the speculation. Now let's pause and we

got a glimpse of the party's sole MP, let's hear some of that teach e

speech where she said it was time for the Secretary of State to start

dealing with issues of the past. has the potential to allow us to

explore our past through education and discussion, helping us to learn

from our past and to how we can create stronger relationships. By

contrast, if handled poorly, it has the potential to be a highly

charged periods. Marked by deepening division within society.

Reinforcing old divisions, rather than focusing on future progress.

By recognising respectfully our shared and difficult history, but

refusing to be captives to it. We can use this time as a water shed

between our divided past and our future. The east/west dimension was

important and it remains important, if we're successfully to explore

and commemorate that period in the years ahead and develop as a

country. Following that debate, and the discussions which pro followed

it. The Taoiseach when visitsing Westminster took time with the

Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the local MPs to visits

an exhibition on the third home rule bill in Westminster. All of us

present heard of the work between the Irish and British Governments

is ongoing. But also our more recent past has been addressing

with government in Westminster, seeking to address the past and its

legacy in a manner that can deliver a more reconciled future. The talks

in which the Secretary of State has been engaged are as a result of our

pressure. However there would appear to be little enthuse ya. --

enthusiasm on his part for further edge gaugement. He is corrects,

there is a lack of consensus among local parties. However this can be

no excuse for lack of effort to achieve consensus. Had lack of

atkpreement prevent us engage before we would never have achieved

any political progress. I would renew what is not just my call, but

through an Alliance motion, also the call of the Assembly to the

Secretary of State to reckon seen all-party talks to seek a

comprehensive way forward. I also had the opportunity to raise the

issue of transparency in party political funding in Northern

Ireland with the Prime Minister. I think he was just relieved I didn't

ask about dinners. Last year, I pressed him to remove the exemption

which means that while local parties have to make the same

financial returns to the Electoral Commission, the names of donors who

gave over �7,500 remain unpublished in Northern Ireland. I understand

why this may have been necessary in the past. But the security

situation has improved and while risk can never been eliminated it

should not outweigh the right of the public to scrutinise the

finances of local party and see who their donors are and to judge

whether parties are influenced by those donations. It is not credible

for local parties on one hands to argue that Northern Ireland is a

safe and attractive destiny for tourism, while on the other arguing

the security situation sois bad that it prevents democratic

scrutiny. That was the east Belfast MP. Let's hear from one of the east

Belfast MLAs. Are you satisfied with thousand conference has gone?

I think it is one of our biggest conferences. -- how the conference

has gone? You got a name check in the speech, but you have a

difficult job, you're on the group that will look at the CSI strategy

and how we go foe waerd cross communities. -- fordz wards. It is

a crucial Strath strategy and we need to tackle division and get

action on education, housing and cultural expression such as flags

and emblems. It is an important working group. We want a robust

strategy. When you took the justice brief, that is one of the condition,

you got a draft paper that was lambasteed as lacking substancement.

Are you going to set this as a condition for keep on with justice

and that there should be an agreement of a cohesion and sharing

strategy that makes a difference? We're committed to playing a

constructive role and we won't agree a strategy that doesn't set

out targets for change. When you link the two, it is either all or

not guilty. You have power you can use. We are committeded to playing

a constructive role and to find a solution within the group. Do you

have an a notion when you will come up with? We have made progress.

This a date for it? Not at the moment, no. When its came to the

possibility of flying the flag at Parliament buildings, there was

ambiguity could be read into your stance. Where do you stands? Would

you support the flying of the flag? I'm not sure that is the most

pressing issue for people. They're worrying about foods on the table

and employment. Our position is to support the current state of

affairs. But our representative is open to mature discussion to ensure

the Assembly build rgs as inclusive as possible. That wouldn't

necessarily flying the flag. meeting is scheduled to discuss

that. What about the aspect of edge xaigs. I spoke to the Department of

Employment and learning minister and we asked questions about

education. It is difficult when on the one hand you have funding going

to a third secondor, but you say we can't afford the two sectors we

have. How do you square that circle? Our ideal scenario, we

would have as much integgraited education as possible, but we want

to see a move to more shared education solutions. We have

examples of that across Northern Ireland. In particular the shared

education programme is delivering joined up education. Is that not a

day-to-day thing, you go to one school once in a term. It is not

real change? That particular programme is making maneingful

change, bringing schools together. - emeaningful. We can't settle for

one day here and one there, we need real shared education and an

integrated system. In term of east Belfast, does the boundary change

make it harder or easier for you to hold that seat? We will fight that

seat on our record on the ground, regardless of what boundary it is.