Michel Barnier Briefings

We wish to welcome the members of both houses and Mr Michel Barnier to

this sitting and joint committee. Members will know he is the chief

negotiator of the task force for negotiations with the United

Kingdom. I accordingly invite him to take his seat in the chamber.

The decision, Monsieur Barnier, by the UK last year to withdraw from

the European Union will have a profound impact on Europe and on its

citizens. It it also raises a number of specific and important issues

that are unique to Ireland. For instance, concerns have been raised

about its impact on Northern Ireland and the peace process as well as its

impact on the Common travel area between Ireland and the United

Kingdom. Since the formal notification on the 29th of March

2017 of the UK's intention to withdraw, preparations for the start

of the negotiations have intensified. As members will be

aware, the European Council agreed guidelines for the first phase of

negotiations on the 29th of April of this year and last week, the

European Commission published its draft negotiating directives. Our

exchange of views today is therefore timely and we hope it would

contribute positively to the preparations for the negotiations.

Let me also say that I firmly believe that they's sitting

demonstrates how national parliaments can contribute

effectively to public debate on matters of concern to the union,

which is of course one of the principal objectives of article 12

of the treaty. Monsieur Barnier, we are conscious of the challenging

road ahead. We wish you and your task force well in your important

work, and it is our sincere hope that an agreement can be reached

which protects the principles of the union and the interests of the

member states asked maintaining a strong relationship with the United

Kingdom. With those few thoughts, may I invite you now to address our

sitting. Thank you very much, Mr Speaker, for

your kind words and congratulations on your perfect French.

The speakers, I am very happy and honoured to address both houses and

to greet you as the representatives of the people of Ireland in all your

political diversity. I take this on as a responsibility, the

responsibility to listen to all those who will be affected by the

decision of the UK to leave the European Union. The responsibility

to listen to your concerns, build our positions together, negotiate in

our common interests and the responsibility to explain that we

need each other, the Ireland is stronger in the union and the EU is

stronger with Ireland. Your country has honour honour deep historical,

cultural and intellectual ties to continental Europe for many

centuries. In the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, Irish colleges were

set up around Europe, from Madrid, where I was yesterday, to Paris,

Rome and Prague. They contributed to writing the history of Ireland and

the history of Europe. And they spread Irish culture to the

continent. Centuries later in 1972, the people of Ireland massively

voted to take part in the European project. At that time, I was 21,

last century. France had a referendum on the accession of

Irish, the UK, Denmark and Norway. It was my very first vote. I

campaign for a yes vote for the UK's AC session back then, voting yes was

not so easy for a member of the French Gaullist party. But I did it

with my full heart, and I never regretted it. I regret that Brexit

is happening now. I would have liked to have seen the UK staying in

Europe with Irish and all the 26 other member states. But we are

where we are. Since 1972, we have accomplished great things together.

The European Union has helped Ireland become what it is today. And

Irish has a than strengthened our union. The Irish people are known as

hard-working and open-minded. Their membership has a chance to modernise

their economy and society. We see this now in innovative companies and

in the creation of new jobs. Investors seek Irish as being

central in the European market, not peripheral. And we see it across

Irish cities, towns and villages. They have been enriched by fellow

Europeans who have come here to work, study, travel and live. Seamus

Heaney said to mark the enlargement of the EU in 2004 "Oh on a day when

newcomers appear, let it be welcoming and let us speak, move

lips, move minds and make new meanings flyer". Irish has welcomed,

like you welcomed 30 years earlier. Ladies and gentlemen, 444 years,

Irish people have shaped Europe. They have helped turn Europe into a

more open and innovative continent. Ireland's first European Commission,

Patrick Hillary, played a major role in improving inequality between

women and men before serving as your president. Another Irish

Commissioner, Peter Sutherland, supported the creation of the single

market and establish the Erasmus programme, bringing young Europeans

closer together for 30 years now and showing what free movement of people

really means. Today, Phil organ is in charge of developing the European

Union's most complete economic policy, the Common Agricultural

Policy. And for my part, I am proud to have been minister of the farmers

and fishermen in my own country. Some in large countries with

imperial pasts, like my own, seem to think that the EU makes them

smaller. This is simply not true. In smaller countries, people are often

more aware that being part of the EU increases influence and

opportunities. And being part of a common project does not prevent a

country from keeping its own identity and making a name for

itself in the world, as Enda Kenny reminded us all in his excellent St

Patrick's Day speech in Washington. Pooling national sovereignty

increases our European sovereignty, because EU citizens of all countries

can study, work, settle down in another member state and be treated

like nationals. European consumers can access high-quality food and

agricultural products from across the EU because they all meet strict

standards. Suppliers do not have to worry about border checks. Because

they are part of the call without roaming charges as if they are

calling from home. Airlines, whatever member state they come

from, can offer direct flights between any two EU airports. They

can rely on our open skies agreement with the US, the EU has made travel

easier. And Irish airlines have been among the first to take advantage of

these benefits and have profoundly change the market. I experienced it

first hand myself when I flew to Dublin yesterday night on a rather

well-known low-cost carrier. Still no coffee, but a little bit more

seat space than before. Little bit. Honourable members, being together

makes us all stronger. Because we are part of the EU, businesses can

trade goods without customs duties and documentation requirements are

very simple. As part of the EU single market, companies and rely on

fairer competition and a level playing field. Because the EU has

consistently put in place high levels of environmental protection,

citizens enjoy cleaner air and water and governments can resist a race to

the bottom and fight climate change more effectively together. EU

companies have privileged access to 60 foreign markets, such as South

Korea, Vietnam and recently Canada. Thanks to the free trade agreements

negotiated at the EU level. Banks, insurance and investment funds can

provide services in the whole single market, based on their establishment

here in Dublin, thanks to the so-called passporting writes.

Because they are part of the EU, judges can rely on the European

arrest warrant. It ensures the rapid treatment of requests for

surrendering suspected criminals from another member state to bring

them to justice. Because they are part of the EU, universities receive

funding for research and innovation. They form one of the widest academic

networks in the world. As a union member, this is what we enjoy. And

it is what a member state loses when it leaves the EU. This is what we

enjoy and it is what a member state loses Barnier when it leaves the

union. Barnier But let me be clear. Brexit will come at a cost, also to

us, the 27. I am fully aware that some member states will be more

affected by others and as chief negotiator, my objective is to reach

a fair deal, a deal that defends the interests of the entire EU, but also

those of individual member states. Because of its historical and

geographical ties with the UK, because of your shared border and

strong economic links, Ireland is in the unique position. Brexit is

already having an impact on the value of Irish exports to the UK, in

particular the food sector. Many in Ireland fear the return of tensions

in the north. Today, in front of these two houses, I want to reassure

the Irish people that in this negotiation, Ireland's interests

will be the union interests. We are in this negotiation together and are

united EU will be here for you. Tomorrow, I will travel to the

border with Northern Ireland. I will meet farmers and workers in a dairy

cooperative. I want to learn from them and listen to the concerns

about how they are affected by Brexit. Some might be concerned

about exports to the UK, or by the return of custom checks at the

border. Others might fear a return to the instability of the past. In

Northern Ireland, lifting the borders took time. Only 15 years ago

did checkpoints and controls totally disappear. Thanks to the Good Friday

agreement that ended decades of violence I was the European

Commissioner in charge of the peace programme. I have not forgotten my

conversations with John Hume and David Trimble at that point. So I

understand the union's role in strengthening dialogue in Northern

Ireland and supporting the Good Friday agreement. European

integration helped remove borders that once existed in maps and in

minds. I will work with you to avoid a hard

border. The UK's departure from the EU will have consequences. We have a

duty to speak the truth. We have together the duty to speak the

truth. Some controls are part of the EU border management. They protect

the single market. They protect our food safety and our standards. But

as I already said so many times, nothing in the negotiation should

put peace at risk. Nothing. It was recognised by the 27 head of states

and governments two weeks ago. There were very clear that the Good Friday

Agreement must be respected in all its dimensions, all its dimensions.

The border issue will be one of my three priorities for the

negotiations, together with citizens' rights and the financial

settlement. We must first make sufficient progress on these points

before we start discussing the future of our relationship with the

UK. The sooner this will happen, the better. If the conditions are right,

a close partnership with the UK is in everybody's interests. And in

Ireland's interests, in particular. Currently Ireland exports 14% of

goods and 20% of its services to the UK a, this is twice the EU average,

twice. Of course such facts must be put

into perspective. Before Ireland's accession to the EU, Ireland

accounted for 50 of the trade. Today Ireland exports more to the other

countries than to the UK and the single market is a key asset for

your financial and pharmaceutical industry. Still, the specific issue

that you face deserves all our attention. Once again, Ireland

shares a land border with the UK and most of its trade to the EU goes

through the UK. This is why I've engaged with Dail, the Senate as

well as you will at members of the Irish EU Parliament immediately

after taking up my position. Ireland has done remarkable preparatory

work. Remarkable. We have to use our combined strength together. We are

working to deliver solutions. I want to listen to the concerns of the

Irish people but I also want to pass on the message of hope and

determination. For all the problems it creates, Brexit also rep minds us

of what the EU has builting together. What each of us enjoys as

new citizens and how we can further improve the European project. The EU

is not perfect. We know that and President Juncker put it candidly

this week. There are lessons to draw from the crisis. Not only in

Ireland. There are lessons to draw from Brexit, from the rising scores

of the populist parties in many countries, including mine. Let's not

confuse public opinion with populism. We should listen to

people's feeling and respond with policy change. This is how we will

fight populism. Just because, honourable member, I'm convinced

that Ireland will play a major role in these changes, as a centre for

innovation, as a strong and sustainable agri-food producer, as a

bridge across the Atlantic, as a supporter of the future relationship

that we need to build with the UK. Our objective is clear - we want, we

want these negotiations to succeed. I want us to reach a deal, the UK

has been a member of the EU for 44 years. It should remain a close

partner. But it will need to negotiate a bold, ambition but also

fair free trade agreement. We will also need the same ambition for our

research and innovation networks and for the fight against climate

change. We need the same ambition in foreign

policy, in international cooperation and development. 27 years ago,

Nelson Mandela spoke in this very room. Just a few months after he was

released from jail, he praised Ireland's leadership, within the

European community, to maintain strong pressure on the apartheid

system in South Africa. Tomorrow, our international partners should be

able to turn to the EU and to the UK and find in them, strong and united

shared European values. Finally we need to protect our internal and

external security. Whether it is the intelligence, the fight against

cyber threats or cyber security. If he with put things in the right

order, if we negotiate with mutual respect, without any kind of

agreesivity and if we are open to fight, there is no reason why a

strong Europe can maintain a strong relationship with the UK. Dear

speakers, honourable members, I have been myself a parliamentarian for

more than 17 years in the French Senate. I will listen carefully to

the views of the Taoiseach and of all party leaders. In these

negotiations and the public debate that now start, you have, as a

national Parliament, a role to play together with the European

Parliament and civil society. That is why I have been so honoured by

your invitation to address the two Houses of Parliament of Ireland.

HE SPEAKS IN GAELIC APPLAUSE

Merci, Mr Barnier and thank you for the evaluation of that major

challenge that lies ahead I'm pleased to address the House today

in the presence of Michel Barnier. I thank you for the statement in which

he outlined the complexities of the Brexit negotiations and for his

acknowledgement of their response for Europe and of course for

Ireland. Michael Barnier is a long-standing friend of this

country, not just as a long-standing French politician and Commissioner

but as a European Commissioner. His time as Commissioner form regional

policy gave him a particular insight to the unique circumstances on the

island of Ireland which will be central to the talks ahead. I just

want to thank you sincerely for your willingness to engage with Ireland

since your apartment as head of the Commission Brexit task force last

July. This is your second visit to Dublin since that appointment, but

we've also met on other occasions, including on my own visits to

Brussels in February and March and of course at the European Council.

You and your colleagues at the Brexit task force have been more

than cooperative and accessible, to our ministers and senior officials

and I know you have also been open to a range of other important

stakeholders from Ireland. I thank you for this engagement. The

challenges for this country arising from Brexit are extremely serious

and it is essential that all those affected have the opportunity to

make their voices heard. This has also been the approach of the

Government here, along with ongoing sectoral analysis across Government

departments, we have engaged widely with industry and civic society,

holding almost 280 separate meetings. The all-Ireland civic

dialogue which I convened with the minister of foreign affairs and

Trade Minister, Flanagan, has concluded 1 sector events, two

mreenry meetings with over 1200 delegates representing industries

from organisationses from across the country. This kind of consultation

has informed our positions on the negotiations, has abled us to public

our thinking in the comprehensive Government document last week.

Events have moved on quickly since Prime Minister May formally notified

the European Union of the UK's invention to leave. The European

Council agreed the EU negotiating guidelines on 29th April. And on 3rd

May, the European Commission proposed its draft negotiating

directives, which built up the guidelines and provide more detail

on the issues to be addressed. The extensive preparation by Member

States, by the EU institutions, and by Mr Barnier's task force meant

that the guidelines were agreed very quickly. This was by no means a

given. We know just how complicated and serious the issues are. For

Europe as a whole and particularly for Ireland. So, for over two years,

the Government has been analysing the issues and engaging with sectors

across this island to identify our main areas of concern and to develop

our priorities. Some of these have been referred to here by Michel

Barnier. These are the protection of the Good Friday agreement and the

peace process, including by avoiding a hard border, to retain the common

travel area, to minimise the impact on our economy, and to work for a

positive future for the European Union. We've also been extremely

active at political and official level in engaging with our EU

partners and the EU institutions, with a view to highlighting and to

explaining the significant implications for Ireland, arising

from Brexit, and the need to take account of our particular concerns

in the negotiations ahead. Indeed, since the UK referendum last June,

we have had over 400 engagements on Brexit, with our EU partners. In all

of these meetings, we've explained the background and the context of

the Northern Ireland peace process, emphasised the need to avoid the

reimposition of a hard bored on the island of Ireland and as I've said

before, this is a political challenge, and we will have to be

both flexible and imaginative to deal with it But thanks to this

strategic impatient work, and the understanding and the support of our

European partners, I am pleased that Ireland's specific concerns, Mr

Barnier's mentioned this specifically, the unique

circumstances that apply here, are fully acknowledged in these

guidelines. And supporting and protecting ate chee.s, the benefits

and commitments of the peace process, avoiding a hard border,

protecting the common travel area will now be addressed as part of the

withdrawal negotiations. The guidelines provide an excellent

basis for the negotiations, and it was crucial that got this right from

the start and again, I would like to thank Mr Barnier for his role in

making that happen. In more general terms, we're pleased with the tone

of the guidelines, which is open and constructive, while nevertheless

clearly and firmly outlining the EU's objectives and principles. They

highlight the importance of getting clarity in relation to EU citizens'

rights, which is the key issue across Member States, and important

in terms of providing certainty for people and for families.

The approach to the question of the UK's financial liabilities is also

welcome. It is only reasonable that the UK is asked to honour the

commitments that it entered into as a member state of the European

Union. Mr Barnier's approach to this is sensible, to focus firstly on the

principles and methodology before considering the numbers or the

structure of payments that might be involved. Importantly from our

perspective, the guidelines acknowledge the need for

transitional arrangements. This will be crucial in order to provide a

level of continuity and certainty both for our citizens and from

businesses. As Ireland stands to be more effective than any other member

state by the departure of the UK, we believe it is necessary to begin

work as soon as possible, and I am glad you referred to this, on

scoping out the future EU- UK relationship. I am pleased therefore

that the guidelines acknowledge that the shape of the future relationship

can be considered once the European Council, that is the head of state

and government of the 27 member states, agrees that sufficient

progress has been made on the withdrawal issues. This phased

approach is also a sensible pragmatic way forward. From

Ireland's perspective, our objective is for a close and positive future

relationship with the UK, and we are pleased therefore that the

guidelines indicate that the EU wants an ambitious agreement, not

just in economic terms, but also in areas such as security. We will

continue to work with partners to achieve such an outcome. So I

welcome the European Council guidelines from a substantive

perspective. And also the principles that have been carried forward into

the negotiating directives. I appreciate the thorough preparatory

work carried out by Mr Barnier and his task force as well as other EU

partners, whose willingness to listen to us, to listen to our

story, to acknowledge our unique circumstances, has brought us to

this point. The outcome is an endorsement of the approach by

government and a clear recognition of the specific challenges we face.

The government has robustly defended the Good Friday agreement process

throughout these negotiations so far, making clear that as a legally

binding international treaty, it provides a unique political and

constitutional framework on the island of Ireland. We know it was

vital to provide reassurance that Brexit does not in any way undermine

the Good Friday or any provision of the Good Friday agreement. In that

context, we have secured an acknowledgement that in the event of

change in the constitutional status of Northern Ireland, brought about

in accordance with the principles the Good Friday agreement and the

principle of consent, the entire territory of such a united Ireland

would be part of the European Union. I have been consistent in my view

that now is not the time to have such a referendum on Irish unity and

that the conditions set out in the Good Friday agreement for the

calling of a border poll do not currently exist. However, the

statement agreed by the head of state government of the EU member

states which would be recorded in the minutes of the European Council

was hugely important in order to dispel any doubt that the UK exit

from the European Union would negatively impact on this crucial

constitutional provision of the Good Friday agreement. With the EU

guidelines now adopted, including the language about our unique

concerns, the government last week published a document which reflects

the findings of our extensive preparatory work on the island of

Ireland and at EU level and outlines the positions and priorities that

will underpin our engagement in the Brexit process over the next two

years. At EU level, the more detailed draft negotiating

directives are now being discussed at ministerial and official level

with a view to agreement of the General affairs Corran saw on the

22nd of May. These are again broadly positive from the Irish point of

view. Mr Barnier and his team have shown that in addition to being open

to meet with us, they are also listening to what we have to say,

which is why I welcome your decision today. This is important, if the

negotiations to proceed in a calm and the way and end up at a point

which is as good as possible for all sides. As I said in my stint on

Tuesday, it became clear at an early stage of our analysis that the

economic impacts of Brexit would be severe. With the EU guidelines now

adopted, the government will intensify its focus on the economic

indications of Brexit, including on domestic policy measures to protect

it from the potential negative impact of Brexit to reinforce the

competitiveness of the Irish economy which is so important and also to

pursue all opportunities that might arise. In this context, we should

also mention that I Ireland will bid for the two other EU bodies

currently located in London, the European medicines agency and the

European banking authority. I believe Ireland offers an excellent

opportunity as a location for these. In conclusion, Brexit is a British

policy. It is not an Irish policy and it is not an EU policy. For its

part, Ireland remains committed clearly to the European Union and

its future. Indeed, a poll published on Europe day this week showed that

88% of Irish people agree that Ireland should remain a member of

the European Union. Participation and our membership has transformed

our country over the last 40 years. So we are committed to playing a

strong and active role as a member of the EU 27. We are prepared. We

will continue to ensure that our concerns and priorities are

reflected in the European Union negotiating position as it evolves.

And as we work with our European partners and EU institutions towards

a strong and constructive future with our relationship with the

United Kingdom. Thank you very much. On behalf of the Fianna Fail party,

I thank you for taking the time to address this session in such an

effective and competitive manner. Your eagerness to listen and respond

to the concerns of Ireland continues an approach seem during the many

important roles you have held on the French government and the European

Commission. This is not an occasion where we can or should get into the

specifics of the negotiations. I am confident that your team and the

European institutions will continue to be accessible for constructive

discussions. Fianna Fail sees this exchange of views as an opportunity

to link our approach to these negotiations with the fundamental

issue of Ireland's place within Europe. This is not just about the

outcome of the Brexit process, but also about how we see the long term

future of relations on this island with our neighbour and with our

partners in the European Union. No one underestimates the scale and

complexity of the task which you face. Last year's referendum was an

ugly and negative affair. No amount of warm words and earnest statements

can cover this up. There was no study for implementing Brexit. There

was just a strategy for winning the vote through a combination of

bluster and aggression. It was not a positive assertion of sovereignty,

it was the culmination of 30 years of an increasingly corrosive

scapegoating of Europe and immigrants for the home-grown

divisions in British society. Those false prophets who promised an

economic bonanza are now claiming that they have defied the critics

and Britain is booming. This is nonsense. Public borrowing and taxes

have already risen since the vote, and the long term damage to

employment and standards of living is becoming ever more certain.

Fundamentally, the narrow Brexit majority represented a rejection of

strong rule-based cooperation between states. It asserted a narrow

vision of sovereignty which developed in the 19th century and

directly led to the two bloodiest wars in history. Let there be no

doubt about where Ireland stands. We want nothing to do with a backward

looking idea of sovereignty. We remain absolutely committed to the

ideals of the European Union. We see the union for what it is, the most

successful international organisation in world history. And

while the extremes of right and left try together to attack it, they have

no credible response to the fact that every member state has secured

a significant rise in living standards and a continent once

defined by conflict is today defined by cooperation. The union is flawed,

but its successes are undeniable. Certainly, there are different views

here. There are those who buy into the anti-EU narratives. But the

overwhelming majority of the Irish people are determined that Ireland's

future will remain a European future. It is important for you to

understand that Ireland's approach to Europe and to international

commitments is deeply intertwined with our national identity. Last

year, we marked 100 years since the most important founding event of our

Republic. The nationalism of the rising of 1916 and the population of

independence is a generous one. It defines the Irish nation is having

diverse elements, and six a state which works with others. Our

republican constitution, adopted in 1937 at a dark moment in world

affairs, goes even further and explicitly recognises the role of

international law and cooperation. We have no nostalgia for a lost

Empire and no wish to assert superiority over others. We have

never sought to stand apart from the world, jealously guarding the right

to say no to everything. We fully understand that only when states

work together can they secure peace, progress and prosperity for their

people. That is why we remain active and constructive members of the

European Union. The most basic challenge for the agreement which

you will negotiate is to protect the essential contract which underpins

the European Union. This contract is that all members must have the

opportunity to achieve progress. When new circumstances arise, new

responses must be possible. If Europe ceases to be a vehicle of

hope, then it ceases to have a purpose. Brexit represents a

dramatic disruption which poses permanent challenges which are

unevenly spread within the union. The referendum result in the British

government's decision to opt out of both the single market and the

customs union are deeply destructive to businesses and communities on

this island. The only long term option for us is to take a more

ambitious and urgent approach to that and innovation. Even more

importantly, we must now find a way of fixing the damage caused to the

agreed approach to building a lasting reconciliation in a place of

sectarian division. I remember well that when a government of ours

approached you concerning European Union support for the peace process,

you were active, engaged and generous. We have no doubt that you

will do everything possible to honour the clear support for the

Good Friday agreement contained in the negotiation guidelines.

It is important to emphasise that Good Friday Agreement has policies

and structures which were intended to evolve overtime. It is not the

intention of having either the status quo or be reunification. In

fact the spirit of the act is to allow for provisions for shared...

Over time in important practical matters. The text incorps rauted in

our constitution allows for this Parliament. - incorporated. Allows

for this Parliament to delegate to bodies not solely under our

direction. Tourism, trade and European funding programmes are

three of the areas already covered. Whatever is agreed in the

negotiations must do nothing to undermine the ability to allow

shared cross-border institutions and action to develop. In terms of the

wider trade arrangements, we believe that maintaining a close trading

relationship with the United Kingdom is in Europe's best interests. Given

the scale of disruption which Brexit will cause, even with its soft

border, we believe that a former special status should be considered

in the negotiations. -- a formal special status. There are many

models of special economic zones in the world which could be adapted.

The rights of persons born in Northern Ireland, or long-term

residents of Northern Ireland, to Irish and, therefore, European

citizenship, must be protected fully in the final agreement. We welcome

the reassurances provided on this, as well as the commitment to

maintain the common travel area. As you know, this commitment is

currently referenced in protocol 20 of the treaty on the functioning of

the European Union. This port of call is essentially meaninglesses

once the UK leaves the European Union because Ireland's rights are

defined in in terms of its relation was another contracting partner to

the treaty this. Raisings what maybe a fundmental practical negotiations

with the arrangement which is the status of the agreement which

emerges the guidelines limit what can be agreed to measures that

conform to existing European laws. It is frapgly, very difficult to see

how issues to do with Northern Ireland or indeed the common travel

area, as well as essential economic adjustments, can be addressed

without some new EU legal measures. We hope you will be willing to

recommend new legislative acts, where these maybe required. However,

where there is a doubt concerning the treaties, we believe the final

agreement should provide the means of adopting some new measures, such

as an enabling provision which would allow new North-South arrangements,

following council Eunan incompetent. -- unamimit areas. It should be

possible to adopt minor treaty provisions at the same time if they

are meeting basic objectives. This session does not allow for more

detail but we will forward to you specific proposals once the

negotiations are under way. On this very day, 45 years ago, the votes

were counted in our accession referendum. An overwhelming 83%

voted in favour of membership. The campaign saw many scare stories,

promoted about how Europe would reduce Ireland to a barren

wasteland, build nuclear plants on every cross roads and parade

missiles down our main streets. The people, however, choose to place

their faith in the positive vision of Ireland, growing and prospering

within the European Community of nations. Our European path was in

fact the final public contribution of our great revolutionary

generation. As a 16-year-old boy, Shaun escaped from home in order to

fight in the 1916 rising. As a politician a decade later, he read

and was inspired by the idea of a united Europe, proposed by the great

French statesman Briand. When he came Taoiseach at the end of the

19050s, he called for our country to open itself. His governsance laid

the foundations for sustained progress and applied for membership

of the European Community. He told us there would be challenges but the

opportunities would be far greater. This father of our European path and

of modern Ireland died on May 11th 1971, exactly one year before the

result of our accession referendum was announced. His legacy is as

important today as it ever has been. Europe faces a moment of great

uncertainty and in many ways, fear. There's no positive side to Brexit.

But, if we look to our shared history, we see that we have come

through many difficult times before. If we remember the core ideals of

the union, we will get through this process, and secure for another

generation the promise of shared progress, and prosper yited between

the nations of Europe. Thank you very much indeed.

APPLAUSE #

Gerry Adams, please. HE SPEAKS GAELIC

I welcome your presence and your remarks on with behalf of Sinn Fein

and let me tell you a wee bit about us. Sinn Fein is an Irish Republican

Party, we are an all-Ireland party. We have the largest group of Irish

MEPs in the European Parliament. Sinn Fein has TDs, MLSs, Senators,

MPs, MEPs and counsel os, we have a significant mandate and are the only

party substantially organised across this entire Ireland. Sinn Fein is

opposed to the partition of Ireland. We are a united Ireland party. We

want an toned British Government involvement in Irish affairs and we

are working for the unity of all the people of this island, based on

equality, respect and reconciliation. We believe,

absolutely in the core values of equality, liberty, and fraternity

and the foundation of these values in the 1916 proclamation. With

others, Sinn Fein has played a central role in the development of

the peace process and in the Good Friday Agreement and subsequent

agreements. We have to create - and we were part of of the national and

international effort that brought an end to conflict on this island, not

least with the European Union, as a critical partner for peace over the

past 20 years. But those who were previously denied the right to work

peacefully for a united Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement commits the

Government to legislate for that, if the people consent to this. Sinn

Fein campaigned, unlike yourself, against Irish membership of the EEC

in 1973. Since then, every European Treaty has taken further powers from

the Irish state. Sinn Fein wants a different type of European Union. We

want a social Europe, which promotes peace, demilitarisation, economic

and social justice, international solidarity and greater democratic

accountability. Today's European Union is wedded to

neo-Liberal policies. These have created widespread hardship, as

austerity, deregulation and privatisation have undermined the

social function of states and the rights of citizens, including the

rights of workers, and increasingly, as you acknowledged in your remarks,

people across the EU are uncomfortable with. And yet yes, has

asisd the growth of far right policies which exploit people's

fears. Brexit, in our opinion is a scone sequence of that. During the

Brexit referendum, Sinn Fein campaigned for a Remain vote in the

North. It is clearly not in the interests of the people of this

island, whatever their background, whatever their views, to have one

part of the island outside the European Union and the other part

inside. I know that you value the peace process and the Good Friday

Agreement. I commend your support for that, as you say, going back to

the time of John Hume and David Trimble. I'm sure you are aware that

any agreement by the EU, that violates an international treaty,

which is what it is, would contravene EU Treaty obligations.

But Brexit is not just an issue for the North. It'll adversely affect

our entire island if we let T it's vital that its challenges are met on

that all-island basis. It is clear and again you acknowledged this in

your remarks, as did the Taoiseach, that Brexit would have a serious and

detrimental affect and is already having this affect on Irish jobs and

businesses and in particular in the agriculture and agri-food sector.

The aim of the European Union, if I may say so, should be to prevent a

land frontier between the European Union and the UK on the island of

Ireland. That should be the key objective, to prevent that land

bored on our island. To achieve this, we have advocated that the

North be afforded designated special status within the European Union. We

also believe that Ireland should have a veto on any agreement reached

between the EU and the British Government, that does not include

this position. Designated status, Mr Barnier, is the best is the only way

to ensure that the entire island of Ireland remains within the European

Union. I commend to you, today that it is an imaginative solution that

addresses the complexities of the problem. It does not affect the

constitutional status of the North. That will only be changed by our

referendum. Designated special status within the European Union is

the position endorsed by this Dail. It is the position of this

Parliament. It is endorsed by the majority of MLAs in the northern

aaccept bli. It also recognises that the people of the North voted to

remain part of the European Union. Is that just going to be set to one

side? Ignored, driven over? It's a solution beinged a vericated by

representatives of border communities and some of them are

here in the Public Gallery and I welcome them. The Tory Government in

England should not be allowed to reject that vote. It should not be

allowed to set aside the way people in the North have decided. They

should not be allowed to drag the North out of the European Union,

against the democratic wishes of citizens. Designated special status

for North, within the European Union, isn't about a hard Brexit, or

a soft Brexit ited, it is about the best interests of our economy, our

peace process and our people. It's also a democratic imperative. It's

about retaining the freedom of movement, of goods, people and

services on the island of Ireland. Any restriction, any restriction

whatsoever on the freedom of movement would represent a hardening

of the border. Believe me, this will severely damage social and economic

cohesion. But beyond acceptable to people living in the border

communities, but also to people across our island. Special status

will assure the North's trading relationship with the rest of yierld

and the European Union, particularly -- rest of yierld and the European,

particularly with agriculture, agri-foods, all of that would be

maintained. It is about allowing all of Ireland to remain in the customs

union, the single market and on to the jurisdiction of the European

Court of Justice. It is about maintaining the European Convention

on Human Rights. It's about protecting the rights of citizens in

the North, who have a right to Irish citizenship and, therefore, to

citizenship of the European Union. Access to EU rights and services

across employment, workers conditions, Social Security, and

health care must also be protected. Now, none of this is beyond our

collective wisdom or our ability. It does require political flexibility

from the European Union. Now, of course, the little Englanders may

object, but let me remind you, and them, that they are looking for

special arrangements with the European Union for themselves. And

there are already unique arrangements in place for other

states. So, the European Union has been flexible on these matters.

There are different forms of integration and relationships for

Member States and non-Member States. These include overseas countries and

territory status, the European free trade association and the separate

customs union. In light of the were visions for Irish unity in the Good

Friday Agreement, the European Union should not diverge from these norms.

Sinn Fein, unlike the Taoiseach, would like to see a referendum on

Irish unity within the next five years. However, the immediate

challenge facing the European Union, and the people of Ireland, is how to

meet the threat of Brexit. And this is all about what kind of Ireland

will emerge after Brexit. And the only way to positively shape that is

through a special designated status for the North, within the European

Union, so merci beaucoup, Mr Barnier, I thank you for your

presence. HE SPEAKS IN GAELIC

Thank you Deputy Adams. Thank you. I want to add my words of

welcome to Monsieur Barnier and although my speaking time is brief,

I want to use my proximity to emphasise the point I want to make.

We met many years ago. We were both environment ministers and I know his

commitment to the ideals of Europe. I also know that you appreciate that

the Brexit negotiating mandate is about our vital national interests

and the vital interests of this island as a whole. We have many

concerns. Where are an island, off an island, off the mainland of

Europe. Inevitably, our geography must dictate our policies and

priorities. The negotiating guidelines, with their insistence on

an orderly approach, postpone consideration for what for us will

be the most vital interests until later. To be specific, while the

guidelines do recognise, as other speakers have referenced, the

special position of Northern Ireland, albeit with the real

challenges that others have already underscored. They don't, in my view,

sufficiently recognise the unique challenges that would be faced by us

south of the border. Brexit means that for us, the idea of achieving

the European single market has been set back a generation. That is the

undeniable truth. Bluntly, once the UK leaves, it will no longer make

any real practical day-to-day sense for us to talk about membership of a

true single market in relation to the goods and services that we

import and export. Talk of the single market will, from our

perspective, revert from being almost a practical reality that we

almost had fully achieved towards something more closely resembling an

aspiration. The basic reason, as I said, is one of geography. There

will in future be a large chunk of non-Europe between us and the rest

of the union. Brexit will impact on every aspect of our economic, social

and cultural lives. They will impact on every network that we are already

connected to. This includes in physical and infrastructural terms,

our transport, energy, our telecommunications networks. And it

was therefore impact on Ireland's ability to adhere to EU law. It will

affect, for example, our ability to comply with the EU directive are

squaring a single EU market in at 60 -- electricity when our only power

connections with Northern Ireland and with Britain. Another directive

requires a market without frontiers when most of our external television

comes from Britain. EU directives are based on internal markets,

common markets and interconnectedness. They are

designed to cover enormous territories and immense distances

and to bring them together as one. They aren't designed to leapfrog

over other countries, operating with completely separate rules, to which

we will nonetheless remain truly tied in Ireland in terms of

geography, infrastructure, networks and trade. So our challenge posed

Brexit for Ireland to adhere to policies and to laws that were

designed for an internal EU market, when we will find ourselves removed

from direct access to that market, having few direct infrastructural

connections, remain connected instead to a country outside the

union. All of these factors makes Ireland's case unique in the

negotiations, Michel, that you are about to lead on our behalf. I hope

Michel the views expressed by members in the few short minutes we

have here in the ongoing dialogue we will have with you will - and make

sure you bring is effective as can be a conclusion in our interests.

Thank you. Richard Boyd Barrett, please. As a representative of the

people before profit Alliance and a socialist, Monsieur Barnier, I am a

thorough internationalist, an implacable supporter of

international solidarity and an implacable opponent of the racist

and far right forces that are now rising in Europe. But I ask you in

all sincerity, can we trust you with the issues of international

solidarity, or indeed with the issues of the free movement of

people as they pertain to Europe or to this country? This week, 250

desperate refugees fleeing North Africa drowned in the Mediterranean

because of the EU's Fortress Europe policies. Not free movement

policies, policies denying free movement to desperate people. Can we

trust you with international solidarity when John Daughtry Chez

threatens to let off" a financial bomb in Dublin" if our government

even suggested to burn the gambling bondholders who crippled our economy

and whose activities inflicted absolutely cruel and vicious

austerity on hundreds of thousands of our citizens, leaving us still

today with a legacy of the worst housing and homelessness crisis in

the history of the state, a health service that has been savaged,

incredible hardship imposed on some of our most vulnerable citizens? And

even now, the EU fiscal rules, of which I think you were a significant

architect, cripple our ability to deal with those problems. So I don't

trust the European Union, Mr Barnier, to do a deal that will

vindicate the needs and aspirations of the citizens of this country,

because you have failed to do so in recent years. And indeed have

imposed similar hardship in countries like Greece and Spain and

post-Brexit Italy. But if we are to give you any credibility in your

commitments today, can I just ask you a few simple questions? Will you

guarantee Tom not consider, will you guarantee that Europe will not try

and break up the free travel area between Britain and the UKs will you

guarantee that the European Union will not impose a hard border

between the north and south of this country? And if you believe in

democracy, as the European Union professes to do, will you give us a

vote in this country on the final deal in the negotiations between the

European Union and the UK, so we can decide democratically in this

country whether we believe the best deal has been done? And if you

cannot give those guarantees, frankly, all the noble aspirations

mean very little indeed. It is the failure to give guarantees and

promises on democracy, on rights, and to vindicate genuine

international solidarity that is actually the reason for the

existential crisis that the European Union is now facing. It is to that

that the European Union had better address itself quickly if the

dangerous forces that are rising in Europe are not to gain further

advance.