Omar Saif Ghobash - Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Russia HARDtalk


Omar Saif Ghobash - Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Russia

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Welcome to HARDtalk I am Sarah Montague. The Fall Arab nations that

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cut all ties with Qatar because they accused it of funding and supporting

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terrorism have toned down their demands of the Gulf state. They have

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replaced a list of 13 specific demands with six principles. They

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include combating extremism and terrorism, preventing financing and

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safer havens, and suspending all acts that incite hatred or violence.

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So, will it resolve the crisis that has gripped the Gulf? My guest today

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is from one of those four countries, Omar Saif Ghobash, who is one of the

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UAE's top diplomat. Is his country guilty of copper -- hypocrisy and

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what have they achieved by isolating Qatar? Omar Saif Ghobash, welcome to

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HARDtalk thank you. 13 demands replaced with six principles. What

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has changed? Well, the 13 demands were actually presented in a

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confidential manner to the mediator to the Mayor of Kuwait. They were

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never meant for publication. It was Qatar who within an hour of

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receiving the least publicised that. And so we really feel that that was

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kind of undermining the mediation efforts. The principles on which of

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those demands are based on what we have now come up with. And

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presenting that to Qatar underworld in a public manner. Is it a toning

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down of the demands? I don't think it is a toning down, no, the

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principles are the same. It may be a question of how the principles are

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worked out in reality. So, there is no, I don't think there is dispute

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about the need globally to prevent the funding of extremism and

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terrorism. No, these were specific demands. What was wrong about going

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public with them? Were you embarrassed about them? No, we were

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not embarrassed. What happens in the east is the desire to its -- save

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face. We engaged in a confidential manner in passing on their demands.

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This is the same reason why in 2013 and 2014 the agreements with signed

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with Qatar were also kept confidential and secret on the

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request of the Qataris government. In the spirit of preserving the face

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of the Qataris we kept the demands secret. OK, well they have those 13

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demands made public. You stand by them, do you? The principles are an

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explanation as to what the demands are based on. So the demands are

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still there. Your charge against the Qataris is that they were supporting

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and funding terrorism. What evidence do you have that they funded

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terrorism? I cannot present you evidence here. We have recordings,

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voice recording. We have video evidence that we've managed to pick

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up in the field, whether that is in Libya, in Yemen. Everybody knows for

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the last few years Qatar has had a close relationship with al-Nusra,

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which is referred to as Al-Qaeda affiliated. My assumption, our

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assumption is if you are affiliated with Al-Qaeda, you are Al-Qaeda. He

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recordings show what? And we have detailed what evidence you have?

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There will be voice recording. Of what, though? People giving

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instructions, known individuals giving instructions to known

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individuals in Libya, Yemen and Syria on carrying out certain acts.

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For example, a specific example I would like to give you, which is on

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Yemen. We were in the process of engaging with Al-Qaeda, the Qataris

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well alongside us. We have information, I don't have, but we as

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a government has information that our Qatari allies informed Al-Qaeda

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of our precise location and what we were planning to do. Then we

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received four suicide bombers at our tour -- door and we were injured.

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They deliberately sabotaged the attack and try to kill UAE soldiers?

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We have had them dying as a result of Qatari activities. Why don't you

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make the evidence public? Because this is a cultural issue where we

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really don't like to have this kind of public confrontation. There is

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always the desire to continue... It is a legal issue, isn't it?

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Absolutely, yes. So is all of the stuff that is going on, this

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conversation on the funding of terrorism, extremism and protein

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narratives. It could very well convert into a legal issue. You have

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made some very serious allegations. You, surely, need to go public with

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the evidence for that? You know, what is funny as we have gone public

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with a whole set of issues. What we find is that the receptivity is not

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quite there. For us in the Middle East to begin to speak about

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changing the narrative of extremist Islam, to cut the source of funding,

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to pull back on those platforms that have been promoting this extremist

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thinking, when we in the Middle East take that responsibility, we would

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expect the global community to come and stand by us. It is extremely

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important. If you put information in the public domain, that shows what

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you are saying happens, then large parts of the world, the whole world

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will understand why you are saying what you are doing and they will --

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there will be some response to it. Our understanding is many

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governments in the west do understand in operational terms what

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the Qataris have been doing. You won't make a public? This is not the

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time to make a public, no. One of the concerns that some people have

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not least is when this row blew up in May there was a newspaper, a

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number of newspaper reports, not least in papers which attributed

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comments to the Emir of Qatar, saying he was speaking favourably of

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Iran, Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood and has the last. It was reported in

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the Washington Post that various US intelligence to show those reports

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were a hack -- Hezbollah. Were a result of a hack orchestrated by

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your country, the UAE. What do you say to that? Well, our ambassador in

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Washington has come out with a statement saying that's not true.

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The government has come out and said the same thing. I think that, you

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know, what is truly important here is not whether there was or was it a

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hack, it is the situation. I don't think the Emir of Qatar or deny he

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has a strong relationship with... It absolutely matters! If the UAE

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hacked Qatar to suggest... The UAE did not ask, orchestrate or plan or

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ask someone else to hacked Qatar? Not at all stop what categorically

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no? No. Do you accept someone categorically did? I don't think

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that there was any hacking. So, you think that the Amir of Qatar did say

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those things, you don't accept those denials? We don't accept their

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denials but we know that they have established links with Hamas and the

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Iranians, they met with the head of the brigade, a guy famous for

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slaughtering Sunnis in Iraq and Syria. What denial is there? You are

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of course ambassador in Russia, have you asked the Russians on this? No,

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I haven't. Why not? It simply didn't come up. Are you not curious to

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establish what information there is? On what precisely? On what exactly

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was said and whether there was any hacking. The Russians, if there was

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hacking, then, you know, it may have been non-government parties. This is

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not the kind of stuff people would admit or talk about openly,

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certainly not at my level. You're the one who suggested it might have

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been the Russians. No, this is a newspaper report from the United

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States. I am just picking on what I had heard. You believe it was the

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Emir of Qatar who was saying these things that were reported as

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inflaming, creating tensions and dividing the Gulf? It is a position

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we have witnessed for many years, so, yes, I believe it is entirely

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within his politics and his character to have said something

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like that. The fact the US intelligence services are reported

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as saying that the UAE was behind the attack at White...? It was a

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newspaper report quoting intelligence officials. We don't

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have anything official from the White House or the State Department

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or anything else. For the time being we can put that to rest. You don't

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trust anybody, anything said about that, but you absolutely believe

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that the Emir of Qatar said those things? We believe it is in keeping

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with his political positions and with his act of engagement in the

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region, yes. OK, so, we come to the demands it had set out. Now, you

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say, you are suggesting that they still remain, these effectively 13

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demands? Yes. One of them on the list of 13 demands was that Qatar

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stop all means of funding for individuals, groups or organisations

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that have been designated as terrorists by Saudi Arabia, UAE

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can't --, Egypt and other countries. What gives you, Saudi Arabia, other

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countries have the right to decide in Qatar's terms who is a terrorist?

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It is very interesting. We are focused, especially in the list of

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demands we gave them, not on particular groups we have decided

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on. We have looked at what is internationally recognised as a

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terrorist. If you are looking at a UN list, European Union list, or an

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American list, we are fairly certain. If you are talking about

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funding Al-Qaeda, or the people who say Al-Qaeda affiliated groups, it

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is fairly clear they are terrorists. I am not talking about that. It is

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clear in the 13 list, the third point specifically mentioned

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well-known groups. The fourth point was these individuals, groups or

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organisations. The reason I say this is that with the extra information

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that came with those demands, there were three Qatar -based charities

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who the UN itself says has over the years built a strong partnerships

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with these organisations based on shared humanitarian principles which

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are strictly nonpolitical? They say that. Do you accept that actually

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you have probably swept in people who shouldn't be on there? It is

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quite possible. What is also possible is that the UN doesn't have

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full information and maybe we should take it up with them and pass on all

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of the information that we have to clarify this issue. Because the

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suspicion is that what you and Saudi Arabia and others are doing is

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labelling political opponents as terrorists because you don't like

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what they are saying and you want to silence them. No, I don't think that

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is the case. Actually, if you look at Gulf - Arab social media, public

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media, there is vigorous debate taking place around events every few

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days. You can see a kind of sudden surge of very kind of polarised

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debate between liberal voices, and extremely conservative voices. So,

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you know, I don't think that is the issue. The issue here is when we are

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talking about very motivated extremist agendas. That is one of

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the problems we are dealing with here. There is a charge of hypocrisy

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that could be levelled at the UAE over this. The US department of

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state said in 2015 the terrorist organisations exploited the UAE to

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send and receive financial support and that sometimes your country was

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loath freezing assets because of political situations. I don't know

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what that is about and I find it interesting that the term used was

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exploiting the system. I understand exploiting the system taking place.

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I can assure you over the last few years we have increased our

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monitoring through the central bank and other financial mechanisms to

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increase the monitoring on exactly what is going on in our financial

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system. Because there was a problem. Not least UAE support for the

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Taliban. I don't think we ever supported the Taliban. We recognised

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the Taliban for Wakely reason. We are one of three who recognise the

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Taliban. We needed an administrative partner to deal with the Afghan

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population we have in the country working as workers. We know that

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when US Embassy cables were leaked in 2009 that the Taliban related

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finance officials went to the UAE to raise or move funds and there was

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even a suggestion of arms and procuring arms, at which you may be

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now on top of, the problem may have gone away, but it was a problem

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than. These problems never go away because you have to Qamshili monitor

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and make sure. It is actually an effort to make sure you are on top

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of it. It is clear that the Emirates, Dubai and Abu Dhabi are

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pubs that bring people from the region together. And it is

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absolutely possible that someone met someone else in our territory to

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discuss those kinds of issues. I know through my own work and through

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the government's work that we are very, very focused on this. We are

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not interested in supporting... And Saudi Arabia? Saudi Arabia sits

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alongside you pointing the finger at Qatar and the response has been very

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widespread criticism. Tom Wilson, fellow at the centre to the response

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to radicalisation at terrorism at the think tank The Henry Jackson

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Society says Saudi Arabia is undoubtedly at the top of the list

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of countries who have been of advancing extremism.

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It is a very interesting distinction I would like to make between Qatar

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in Saudi Arabia. With the revolution in Iran and the desire to build a

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more cohesive sheer understanding. Because of that, American charitable

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organisations have set up schools and educated pupils. In 2017, under

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the current leadership of Saudi Arabia, is that still the case?

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There are so many ways in which the Saudis have clipped the wings of the

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clerical class to make sure that they understand that there is a

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limit to how much influence and decision-making by clerics can have.

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I would say there is a very big difference. The clerical class is

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becoming self-conscious about the messages... The New York Times, last

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year, you can tell me this is out of date. The kingdoms spent on told

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millions promoting the radical form of Sunni ideology that claimed

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responsibility for the 9/11 attacks and fan the flames of Islamic State.

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It is a question to pose. IT pros that question in the book I have

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Britain. As far as Saudi Arabia, you are pointing the finger at Qatar.

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Are you saying that Saudi Arabia is not guilty of those things? I will

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not say that they are a flourishing liberal democracy, but nowhere in

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our part of the world... Do we have that kind of perfect narrative,

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peaceful, optimistic narrative. We all have the problem. Where we are

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different to Qatar, the rest of the state of the golf, Egypt are taking

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strong steps to change that narrative. In Saudi Arabia, that is

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actually happening. The problem is that we find with Qatar, they still

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believe it is the narrative that will ultimately win on a populist

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basis across the Arab world. You made the point, and you make it in

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your book, the importance of almost a Western approach to free speech.

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Here, one of the demands is to close down Al Jazeera. The fact that it

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doesn't appear in the principles, are you accepting that Al Jazeera

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should stay open? There are a couple of things we need to be clear about.

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We need to differentiate between Al Jazeera English and Arabic. Talking

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about Arabic. That is a venomous platform. It is about poison. Are

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you insisting it be closed down? We say it effectively should be closed

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down as an editorial that says, hate the West, hate the Shia, hate the

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outsider, the Christian, the Jew. It is an extraordinary territorial list

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form of free speech, it was as if China ordered Britain to close down

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the BBC. I don't think there is a narrative between the two. This is a

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request to stop poisoning people with an extremist narrative. Henry

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Jackson... One of the things about Al Jazeera is that they are

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incredibly effective. Somebody said to me, there are whole of channels

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that have the same narrative. The problem is that Al Jazeera is so

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effective and appealing that it pulls a fall in. Essentially, they

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are extremely effective. It should still close? It should change to the

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extent that it cannot be recognised as Al Jazeera today, Al Jazeera

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Arabic. Al Jazeera English is in this because those journalists who

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do not understand the Arabic language, they are doing a great job

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and say, this has to be freedom of speech. What you are fighting for is

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freedom of hate speech. It is incredibly provocative, emotionally

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charged... Whether it is the economist or Al Jazeera, many people

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make the point that the difficulty in the region is that there is not

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enough of a free flow of ideas. You have something that is very unusual

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and you want to shut it down. I don't think it is true. We want to

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shut down the editorial that says, hate is the way forward.

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Frustration, anger, destruction is the way forward. That is what Al

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Jazeera Arabic does. You mention in your book, letters to a young

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Muslim... You lost your father as a result of a terrorist attack as a

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young man. These letters, or at least inspired by the idea of what

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you want to communicate to your young sons. Which is what? Which is

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that in the modern world, in 2017, 2016 when I wrote the book, it is

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very important that any desire to be true to your religion, your face,

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your principles, you should not lose sight of the fact that the world is

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full of manipulators, people who are ready to use your good faith for

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destructive purposes. Do your religion and the tax is in

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documents, the exclamatory books, ask yourself whether this is really

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appropriate for the 21st century. I would say that ultimately, you have

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got to remember that you or an individual, with your dignity and

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self-respect, you are the most precious thing. You have to hold

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onto yourself. Who are those who are manipulating your religion? Well,

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let's... I don't want to talk about Qatar again. There are state is

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using the large number of young Arab males for their purposes. Jihadis

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are expendable. Use them and move on. They are like bullets. That is a

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major crisis. By clerics who don't have a full understanding of what

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century they are living in and who insist on holding people back, the

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narrative that the cleric knows and has access to... You blame some

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imams for the poisonous version of Islam that can be spread around the

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world? Yes, I think so. I also think that the world has changed over the

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last 20 years in such a way that, what may be appropriate for a

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village in a small town, a modulus, cut off from the west of the world,

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that is no longer appropriate. When we look at Muslim charitable

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organisations, when we start funding and teaching our version of Islam in

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western societies in Asia, we have to be a bit more sensitive to what

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it is we are exporting -- rest. Are we exporting our basic principles?

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Are we consolidating basic principles of Islam? Or are we

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exporting a homogenous society that didn't have access to the outside

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world? Where is the change coming from? It begins with an awareness of

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what is going on. We look at reports like the Henry Jackson Society and

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wonder, maybe there is a point. Maybe what was aggressive language

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used in a village in the Middle East is not appropriate to be used in

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London or Birmingham or Manchester. It is extremely important that we

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are self-conscious about this. That is down to individual, moderate

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Muslims speaking up? Yes, and also up to people like me who have a

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voice within government to make suggestions and proposals, to lobby

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for diversity. How did your sums respond? My younger son responded

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extremely well, my older son, for whom it was Britain, who is now 16,

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he read a couple of chapters and decided he had a long life to live

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and would take his time reading it. He is exactly the target age, isn't

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he? Yes, he is. I will say that I am not particularly worried about him

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being radicalised. To an extent, I was trying to make a statement to

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myself and my society. Not necessarily my son, but your son,

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your daughter, they may need the support that I tried to provide in

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the book. It is a framework that links the texts and the very sort of

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abstract legal texts that we have two-hour humanity. Close to need to

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be linked. If you see a disconnect between the texts that we talk about

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and our humanity, then we are in trouble. Omar Saif Ghobash, thank

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you very much for coming on HARDtalk. Thank you very much.

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There was still quite a lot of energy in the atmosphere,

:24:47.:24:50.

during Wednesday afternoon some pretty intense thunderstorms

:24:51.:24:52.

broke out across north Wales and parts of north-west England.

:24:53.:24:56.

Weather Watchers pictures coming through of torrential downpours,

:24:57.:24:59.

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