19/01/2017 House of Commons

raise the matter. The honourable gentleman has many qualities, one of

which is his purse I beg to move the motion that stands

in my name and the names of several other members on the order paper. I

start by thanking my fellow members of the backbench business committee

for allowing me to briefly stand down from the committee to make the

application for this debate. And no further thank them for agreeing the

debate would take place today. I should also be clear I am the

current chairman of the all-party parliamentary group on Kashmir. Can

I thank all those groups who have campaigned so steadfastly on this

issue for so many years, particularly the Kashmir

self-determination movement, working tirelessly to keep up the profile of

the issue of Kashmir with MPs. Also members from the British Muslim

Women's Network, the Kashmir liberation Council, and the Kashmir

Council for human rights. I will give way. I am grateful, and I

congratulate him on securing the debate. Can I ask him to put on

record thanks to all those ordinarily Kashmiris in this country

and back in Kashmir who fight time and again to get this high up on the

agenda so we take action. I am grateful to him for raising that,

and I put that on the record. Let me explain why this motion is being

brought before the House today. Essentially it is because this

matter really matters to my thousands of constituents who are of

Pakistani and Kashmiri Heritage. It matters to the constituents of many

members in the House today. Many of my constituents have family in

Kashmir, and in some cases they have lost loved ones or seen loved ones

scarred for life as a result of violence. For those not familiar

with Kashmir, it is a territory running across the border between

Pakistan and India. The root cause of the conflict can be traced back

to 1947, when the colony of India was granted independence by Britain

and was partitioned into two two separate entities, India and

Pakistan. There was a predominantly Muslim population but the Hindu

leader. The area has a long and complex history and it is not enough

time to go into all that history today, but suffice to say, the

argument over which nation would incorporate the state led to the

first India Pakistan war in 1947 - 48. There have been further upsurges

in the conflict since then and they are both known nuclear power is. To

complicate matters further, -- there are now nuclear powers. I am pleased

to see the Minister for Southeast Asia in his possession, and I am

grateful to him for taking the time to meet with members of the

all-party group on Kashmir recently. I know he will be aware that it is

the fact Britain was responsible for the partition which leads many in

the Kashmiri community to believe this country could and should be

doing more to try to help resolve this matter. The fact that the

petition was 70 years ago demonstrates the intransigence of

this problem, and I am under no illusion that they are easy

solutions. There are two areas I wish to cover today. Firstly the

recent increase in violence in human rights abuses, and secondly the

longer-term issue of trying to resolve this long-running conflict.

The most recent increase in violence began last year, when on the 8th of

July 22-year-old -- a 22-year-old was killed by the security forces.

Tens of thousands attended his funeral. Clashes broke out at it,

between security forces and protestors. Security forces fired

live ammunition into the crowd, killing several people, and a police

officer was also killed. Since then, the authorities have declared

curfews and close down mobile phone services and media outlets.

Attendance at mosques and adherence to religious practices has been

restricted. Protestors have organised a series of general

strikes and there have been regular public rallies. Schools, colleges

and universities have also been closed. The economy has been badly

hit. Funerals have also been hit by protests. Scores of Kashmiris have

been killed. Many civilians have been injured. -- many thousands. I

will give way. I thank him for securing this very important debate.

He quite rightly points out that recent escalation in human rights

violations, but will he accept that this is a longer term problem and

human rights violations have happened for decades? I am grateful

to the honourable member for raising this. As I said earlier, there is a

long and complex history to this. As the honourable member says, there

have been many upsurges in violence, and as he will be aware, there have

been many human rights abuses which have been catalogued and recorded

over the years. I will give way. Would he agree that it is imperative

that an international investigation into those human rights abuses is

carried out as soon as possible? Yes, I do agree. It is something I

will mention briefly later in my speech. The use of pellet guns has

left thousands of people, including children, injured and in many cases

blind. Armed militants have increased their attacks on the

security forces. In September 2016, an attack on an army base killed 19

soldiers, the Army's worst loss of life for more than a decade. There

has been a flaring up of tension. This has led to significant military

casualties. Both sides have ramped up the hostile rhetoric. I know the

government are concerned about any allegation of human rights abuses.

Ministers have said so many times in answers to both oral and written

questions, but I do ask the Minister to condemn these attacks and the use

of pellet guns. The fundamental human rights enshrined in the Indian

constitution must be adhered to. There must be an end to the use of

pellet guns on innocent civilians. The UNHCR and other interested

parties must be allowed free and complete access to allow them to

make an objective assessment. Let me now turn to the role of the United

Nations in securing a long-term settlement. After 70 years of

inaction since the original UN resolutions were passed, requiring

this conflict to be resolved by peaceful democratic means, it is

easy to see why so many in the Kashmiri community think the United

Nations has lost interest in their problem. I have often said this

dispute is all too frequently ignored by the media. It always

seems there is some other conflict elsewhere in the world which grabs

the headlines. As a member of the United Nations, I know the United

Kingdom supports all UN bodies and wants to help them fulfil their

mandate. But in the case of Kashmir, there has surely been feeling for

those resolutions to have gone unfulfilled for so long.

I PC at the government has took treader careful path. We wish to be

friends with both India and Pakistan. But a candid and true

friend is one who sometimes says things the other friend may find

unpalatable. I will give way. I'm very grateful. I support his motion.

Surely, it's not a question of supporting the Indian or Pakistan

government, it's about supporting the people of Kashmir. Just as he

and I campaigned for years for a referendum to decide whether our

country should be ruled by the European Union are not, surely the

people of Kashmir should have the same freedom to decide how they are

governed. There is absolutely right. I am about to mention that historic

decision that this country took last year. I will give way before I

proceed. I quite concur with the honourable member for Shipley in

saying this is an issue about Kashmir, but this is not just about

India and Pakistan, but also China. We have to work with all of them to

make sure civil rights and human rights of the Kashmiri people are

important in this debate. I am grateful to him for that

intervention. He's absolutely right, that this is a matter which involves

both nations, and it is crucially about the rights of the Kashmiri

people. I wish to make it clear that, in this case, we want both

India and Pakistan to know that we want to help them find a permanent

and peaceful solution to this conflict. Of course, this country

cannot impose its leadership, but I believe we can do more to bring the

parties closer together. I wish to make it clear that I do not see this

issue as being about taking sides and saying that if you had a friend

of Kashmir, you're not a friend of India. This problem must be resolved

by peaceful means. I want to see the people of Kashmir being given the

right to decide their own future, the right to self-determination, a

so historically exercised by the people of this country on the 23rd

of June last year, when the majority voted to leave the European Union.

No one believes there is an easy answer, but anything has to be

better than having a military controlled line of partition between

two neighbouring countries. I suspect there will always be rivalry

between India and Pakistan, but that rivalry should be contained to the

field of sport. In conclusion, when the Minister responds to this

debate, I would ask my honourable friend not only to set out what the

government position is on Kashmir, but also what more this country

could do... Yes, I will give way one more time. He has been extremely

generous with his time on this issue. Just before he concludes,

does he agree that, while I agree with him that we need a long-term

solution that is in the hands of the Kashmiri people, there is that

important step beforehand, which is where the Foreign Office can play an

active role, in getting both sides round the table to negotiate a

peace, a stability, a calming of that situation, so that people,

children's lives are not lost in the meantime. Let's get that summit

going, to have peace, and then think of a longer term solution. I

entirely agree and perhaps I should have finished my sentence, because

that was exactly what I was saying. Because what I was saying is that,

when Minister responds to this debate, I will ask my honourable

friend not all to set out what the government position is on Kashmir,

but also what more this country could do, either through the United

Nations, or working directly with India and Pakistan to bring these

two nations together to find a lasting and peaceful solution to

this conflict. Mr Deputy Speaker, I commend the motion to the House. The

question is as on the order paper. I wish to declare that I am of

Kashmiri heritage and I am privileged to be the first member of

Parliament in this place of Kashmiri heritage. I also have a significant

Kashmiri constituency, which has a significant interest in this issue,

and back many other members in this place, who will have their

constituents with an interest. This issue is, of course, about Kashmir,

the key issue of Kashmiri geography and the issue of Kashmiri

self-determination. Many people are very concerned about that. But for

me, this issue is about violations of Kashmiri people and the human

rights and civil liberties. That is the most important thing. Also the

violation of the Geneva Convention by the Indian armed forces. This

issue today is about Kashmir. People say Kashmiri people are under

violation of human rights abuses. But this has gone on for at least

six decades, when the Indian forces unlawfully invaded Kashmir in 1948,

when it was an independent state. It also has the look at an issue of the

fact that in 1953 and 1954, there was a resolution presented to the

United Nations by the then Prime Minister, to allow the Kashmiri

people the right to self-determination. And to date, to

the shame of the United Nations, those resolutions haven't found

their way to the General Assembly of the United Nations. Kashmiri people

are still wondering whether their plight is worth the heating in the

United Nations by the General Assembly. And it's very significant.

I know there are numerous members who wish to speak, so I will try to

be brief. In this house today, I want to recognise the work of the

shadow Foreign Office team, particularly the Minister on the

front bench from the shadow team, who is responsible for south-east

Asia and also the shadow Secretary of State, who have made significant

policy issues for the party in terms of recognising the issue of human

rights and civil liberties. To the extent that the shadow Secretary of

State has also written to the Secretary of State on his visit to

India, asking him to raise the issue of a second visit being made, about

the issue of human rights and civil liberties in Kashmir, by the

Secretary of State. I hope that on his return, the shadow Secretary of

State will report to the house that he has actually raise those issues

with the Indian government. Also, there is currently over half a

million of the Indian troops in Kashmir. They are protected, the

Indian troops are protected by the special armed Forces act of 1993,

which allows them complete free range, and knows them to be able to

abuse people, to be able to torture people. When people go missing,

there is no accountability. And there is no' that can take them to

account, hold them to account in India. So this is a clear violation

of the genie that convention -- the Geneva Convention for any military

to be able to do this. I am surprised that we do not read this

and I hope the Minister takes notice of this and reasons it with the

Indian government. I thank him for giving way and I congratulate the

member who secured this debate. Does he agree with me that that is a

particular concern about the use of pellet guns in Kashmir, and does he

agree with me and Amnesty International that there should be a

ban on the use of pellet guns, which are causing such serious injuries to

so many people? I thank her for that. This is an issue will come in

my speech, but at the moment, I agree with what she is saying. I am

talking about the half a million soldiers in Kashmir, who currently

have no control over how they behave, how they abuse the people.

There are serious concerns in Kashmir, particularly in terms of

the civilian population. We are concerned about when a woman leaves

the house, whether she is a mother or daughter or wife, that she leaves

the house, and not knowing what state should return in comic even if

she returns. There are issues of gang rapes by the military. And

absolutely atrocious act by any individual. I am sorry to interrupt

such a passionate speech. One of the things I think the government failed

to recognise is the passion and worry and fear that our

constituents, or Jewish citizens of Kashmiri and non-Kashmiri

extraction, feel about this issue. Would you agree that the Minister

and government need to listen and start paying attention to the needs

and demands of their citizens? She makes a very valid point,

particularly in relation to the issue of abuse of women. We don't

allow and accept this in any other country at all. And why should we

allow this to go unchecked by the Indian forces, by the Indian Army,

in India, in Kashmir. I find this absolutely absurd that the we should

be making far stronger representation, and I would urge the

Minister to do that. When a man goes out of the house, whether he is a

father or husband or son, there is absolutely no guarantee he is going

to come back and what state he will come back. What acts, we have seen

beatings, we have seen videos on YouTube and Facebook. In those,

people are summary eaten up in the streets, I held by military

personnel and beaten literally to within an inch of their life. They

are tortured, they are taken away, people go missing. In some

instances, when they go missing, nobody comes back. That is a serious

issue. Children in Kashmir have no stake in the normal community or

society. We expect our children to have a proper education in normal

society, but Kashmiri children don't have an ounce of that protection to

be able to have that. Then they go out into the streets, as my

honourable friend from Nottingham said earlier on, they are treated

and greeted with pellets and suchlike. They have no problem

education facilities, they have no health care, they have no real stake

in the society they are part of, this is the sixth generation of

Kashmiri people who are growing under the tyranny and they have no

protection whatsoever. The issues I want to come to, it is an absolutely

horrendous act by the military. Where they have specifically

targeted, not just for of parts, but specifically aiming at upper parts

of the body, the face, the eyes. Where is the number of people who

have lost their eyesight? Those people are not even allowed medical

treatment once they have done that, because you will know when a body is

scanned, it is magnets that are used. And when those bullets are

inside, the medical group will not use those cans on them, because

Apple further assist the movement of those metallic pellets that is

inside them, which would lead possibly to further injury, whether

it is an airhead or eyes are upper body, including the heart arteries

and everything else that goes along with that. So that would cause a

significant issue for most people. These are the issues of the using of

pellet guns. Also, when somebody is penetrated with these pellets, when

they go through security barrier, it will be easy for people to be able

to see when they are going through, to assess that that person has been

involved in those sort of abuses. So the pool that person out and they

are again held accountable, and that is torture of a community and the

whole society. We have had a report on the buried evidence, unmarked

mass graves, produced by the international people's Tribunal on

human rights. Again, a human rights activist who has produced a whole

report of significant numbers of mass graves, that she has found

through her organisation. Unfortunately, not to note is taken

by anybody. No notice is taken by any government, and particularly our

government. We are, if this was to happen anywhere else, there would be

a huge outcry and there would be people crying for international war

crimes tribunal is to be held and to be dealt with. So I do see that is

an urgent debate after this as well and there is a significant number of

colleagues who wish to speak. I would like to conclude just purely

on the basis of the fact that this is an issue of human rights,

contravention of the human rights Convention and are likely to take

notice of these three things. I'd like to see what he's going to do

about it and how he will have an interaction with the Indian

government, to hold them to account. If anyone wants to be a serious

partner with United Kingdom, these are the responsibilities they must

carry and these are the issues very important to my constituents and all

others in this place, and to make sure that is considered an taken

forward. To give everyone equal time, can we

take up to eight minutes to make sure we all get a fair crack of the

whip. I would like to congratulate my honourable friend for securing

the debate and being a strong advocate for Kashmir and Kashmiris

within the chamber. India and With over 40 million refugees

crossing the new Pakistan India border for safety. A small piece of

land today is an unstable home for 12 million Kashmiris. On the 24th of

January 1949, the first group of United Nations military observers

arrived to oversee a ceasefire between India and Pakistan. Almost

70 years later, India and Pakistan have evolved but Kashmiris still a

region beset by political disagreement, violence and human

rights violations. -- Kashmir is stellar region. The conflict has

left more than 47,000 people left, which also include 7000 police

personnel. The death toll continues with India and Pakistan at an

impasse, denoted in a House of Commons recess paper which states

currently the two governments of India and Pakistan are engaged in a

process of re-approach when. This is not the first such process but has

given rise to optimism. That paper was written in 2004. India and

Pakistan still have nowhere. Optimism has run dry, and bloodshed

on bullets in Kashmir takeover. UN observations have taken place at

various times since 1949 at considerable cost but to what

effect? Resolutions have been passed, calling for a ceasefire is

for security forces to be withdrawn and the opportunity for Kashmiris to

determine their own future. The cornerstone of any civilised

democracy. Give way. The UN clearly has a pivotal role in Kashmir, but

does my honourable friend believe that the UN has a sufficient skills

and resources and political will to do what we are expecting that to

secure peace? He makes a very good point. Considerable skill, I would

say yes, considerable resources, I would say yes. Political will, that

is where the UN is falling down. 70 years have been lost and Kashmir

pays the price was lost lives and livelihoods. Last year they saw an

unprecedented level of violence with 68 civilians killed and more than

9000 injured during months of violence, the bloodiest episode in

Kashmir's recent history. The shame of the international community for

failing to recognise the violence and lack of offered to support

Kashmiri civilians is a bloody stain on all the history books. And

impartial and international mission is crucial, with full free and

complete access. The UN continued to receive reports of Indian forces

using for administration, yet India has

to investigate allegations of human to investigate allegations of human

that not just India but also that not just India but also

Pakistan have to allow UN access to Kashmir to evaluate the damage the

conflict has caused before it becomes another footnote in

Kashmir's history. The UN has had 70 years to help Kashmiris but instead

has wilfully continued this line for too long. I ask the Minister, what

pressure does the UK -- can the UK put on the UN, taken advantage of

our privileged position on the security council? The UN have to

show humility and backbone to their statements. No resolution nor

conciliation can be given until there is acceptance of the light

damage. We have a real role to play with the hand of friendship and

partnership. Pakistan is one of our greatest recipients of aid funding

in tackling terrorism, and last year the Prime Minister visited India to

secure a substantial trade deal. What discussions took place on

Kashmir during the recent trip, and could he update the House on his

recent discussions with his counterparts in Pakistan and India?

The Prime Minister of India said if any -- any dialogue requires an

environment free from terrorism and violence. He is absolutely right.

The recent escalation of violence creates terror when no authority is

trusted, not even those in places meant to offer protection. Pallet

forces are being used by security forces. The Indian government has

advised the use of pellet guns should be rare and only in present

circumstances, but the Central of the badge reserve police force

continues to use them persistently. They cause life-threatening

injuries, and blinding people, and so fat over 9000 people have been

injured. By their nature, pellet guns are the antithesis of targeted

position, they spray and main to a 6-foot circle, it is impossible to

limit the number of casualties with a 6-foot fan of pellets. These are

not precision weapons or defensive weapons. When used in open public

places, they must constitute a human rights violation. Anyone and

everyone within that 6-foot circle is a target with a pellet gun, even

children sitting at home. A 12-year-old was in the courtyard of

his home not protesting, but in his home when his eyes were hit by

pellets. Both his eyes are injured, with little vision left. He is

recovering in a hospital where the department is stating they are

the demand is so high. Depressingly with surgeries

forced to tweak the Prime Minister forced to tweak the Prime Minister

be sent to help those with injuries. be sent to help those with injuries.

-- tweet. Seemingly the best way to get help is to send each week to.

This is how desperate the situation has come. -- at tweet. Does he agree

that this weapon constitutes a crime when used in public places? The

central reserve police force have refused to share the operating

procedure for this lethal weapon. Can he put pressure on India to

disclose their justification and perhaps the Indian authorities can

share with us which other liberal democracy uses such a weapon on its

own people? Can I also ask the Minister to share with the House

what medical support is being provided to Kashmiri hospitals?

These violations should be arguments enough for access the observations.

Violence will not disappear by observation, -- violations will not

disappear. This is not a regional issue. India and Pakistan both have

nuclear weapons. The stakes are high. Pakistan is disputed to have

the 11 strongest military in the world and is also ranked more

frighteningly as the 14th most fragile country. This regional

dispute is not so regional when two nuclear powers fail to resolve such

a volatile dispute. It has the potential to threaten us all.

Especially as the terror has taken a new violent form. The importance of

access to books and education is key to building a strong community and

for the first time schools and educators are no targets. Village

schools are being targeted for destruction and these -- 24 have

been burnt to the ground last year. I want to raise the issue of one

school, if I can. One particular school was built in 1948. The

principal rushed to the school as it was burning to the ground. He cried

out that the school was like his home was being burned. This is no

ordinary school, built in 1948 it held 3000 books. Schools on fire,

teachers worrying for their lives, and books burned, the future is

bleak. In conclusion it is in all of our interests that the crisis in

Kashmir is recognised and the force of the international community

supports the UN and all of our diplomatic relations are forced to

finding a resolution for Kashmir. Through, -- through you, let me pass

good wishes to the Speaker on his birthday. There was a long queue for

people wishing him happy birthday, and I think it is important as well.

2.5 years ago, this House last debated Kashmir. And this is only

the second debate in nearly 20 years. I must declare that I am the

chair of the British all-party parliamentary group, a person of

Indian origin, born in India, studied there, and I came here. I do

not know how many of you have visited Kashmir. I think in my own

life, from my school days until now, I have visited Kashmir 14 times. So

I am quite familiar with the economic, social and political

conditions of that place. I am not saying anything here say with any

vested interests, at the lump formed information. I am saying that

because -- or ill informed information. I am saying that

because I have seen what has happened, and the political

situation over there. After listening to previous speakers, I

feel sad that we are bringing the issues which are not linked at all,

not happening the way you're presenting it. Look at the political

situation. I strongly support... For the last 45 years I have canvassed,

campaigned on human rights issues. Where India has violated human

rights I have criticised. I have criticised India many times on many

other traditions happening, whether government or people failed. That is

where I feel strongly that the way we are debating Kashmir issues

are untrue and not relevant to the are untrue and not relevant to the

situation. Give way. Does he accept, he mentions he visited there are 14

times, but does he accept that the times, but does he accept that the

Indian authorities make it exceptionally difficult for British

members of parliament to visit that part of the world? I am sure that it

is happening. The reason is that when you wanted to go and visit a

prejudices before you go. If you prejudices before you go. If you

have declared beforehand what you think is happening there, publicly

me one example of a government that me one example of a government that

has allowed people to go to the country that you criticised. Give

way. I thank the honourable member who is well respected in this House

for his expertise, does he at least accept that by speaking up against

human rights violations in any country, one is not necessarily

against that country? The danger is we are taking time off someone else

by interventions. I do not mind having the debate, but I want to

Thank you. I am not saying that is treat everyone equally.

Thank you. I am not saying that is the way you present the argument is

right, no government, no authority will allow you to do when you are

not free of your own will... I think I carry on. I am sure you will be

speaking later on. I am very grateful. My honourable friend, I am

chair of the justice for Columbia group, I criticised the Colombian

government time and time again and they let me into the country where I

criticised them again. If we look at the history, what is happening since

1947, after 1948, when the line of control was declared, when it was

ceasefire, India and Pakistan, which we on one side are advocating should

be part and parcel of that negotiations, have attacked India in

1965, 1971, to change that line of control. Again, in 1999, Pakistan

tried to seize an opportunity to redraw the internationally accepted

line of control. Three times, 1965, 1971, 1999. Having been unsuccessful

in full-scale military manoeuvres to take control of more of Kashmir,

since... They have turned towards terrorism to further their aims. In

2004, Pakistan made a public commitment to prevent terrorist

groups using their territory to plan, prepare or launch attacks

against India. Since then, the Pakistani spy agency have been

indicated in India's most notorious terrorist incidents, most notably,

the 2008 Mumbai attacks which left nearly 200 bed. This behaviour... I

will come onto Kashmir as well, but I'm giving the background. This

behaviour is readily seen across Kashmir. Fighters from Pakistan...

These terrorists are there to destabilise the region, they do not

help the people of Kashmir, they do not make anyone stronger, they only

further the misery of millions. Since the 1948 riots, there have

been attempts to cleanse the region of native people opposed to Pakistan

interventions. In the 1990s, we saw the most sustained activity aimed at

driving Kashmiris from the Kashmir valley. Whereas a quarter of a meal

-- million lived in Kashmir in 1947, there are now only around 20,000.

The majority now live in camps, desperate to return to their

homeland, unwilling to settle elsewhere. The threat of communal

violence looms large, and ever present threat for millions. This is

why we see images of shoulders across Kashmir, they are there to

protect citizens of all stripes, people who want to go to work,

school or University are only allowed to do so under the

protection of the Indian Army. Without the protection of Indian

troops, we can see to easily what happens. Horrifying stories of

brutality from Peshawar school attacks, it left 132 schoolchildren

died, assassination attempts... Very few members of this house would have

done anything but a firm that actions of the British Army in

trying to maintain the status quo in Northern Ireland. The Army is there

to ensure to protect the border, and just like they did in Belfast, to

make sure that young boys and girls, from catholic and Protestant

families, can continue to live the lives they want to. The national

Human Rights Commission of India have been free to criticise and call

for punishment whether all of law has not been upheld to rigorous

standard -- where the rule of law. This is not a level of freedom

allowed to these residents and Pakistan, recognised as the world's

leading sponsor of terrorism. Following the State elections in

2014, I will give way soon... We are now on 11 minutes, we are well over,

it is a very important matter, but I want to make sure everyone gets a

say. By working everyday for a safer, more prosperous Kashmir, the

Indian government is fulfilling its remit, people desire a life

unblemished by random acts of terror, where they are free to

pursue education, employment and peaceful lives. Why must we again

listen to hyped media accusations rather than looking at the evidence

of peaceful elections? I rise to support the motion and in

congratulating my honourable friend on security in the debate and also

congratulating him on the spirit with which he moved the motion. I am

very proud we are having this, the second debate, in the time since I

was elected, and I'm very proud to be in a position in which I stood on

the 15th of September, 2011. I am very proud of the UK and Wycombe's

Kashmiris for the dignity and determination with which they

presume this issue. Despite the difficulty of doing so. And in the

context of the seriousness of the issues involved. I wish to make

three points to the Minister. The first, about the intractability of

the issue. The second about some lessons from our own referendum. The

third about how we might make progress. It is the long-standing

position of the Government that this is a matter for the two independent

nations of India and Pakistan to resolve. I have found a reliably,

that within the Foreign Office, this issue is known with some graveyard

humour, sorry, gallows humour, as the graveyard of Foreign Secretary

's and that is a matter of very considerable regret. The issue of

self-determination as we have seen in the UK is not one to be thought

of as impossible to meet, we have just met it and I think this is a

moment when the Foreign Office should know self-determination is

not an issue on which no progress can be made in the 21st-century. I

think it is not good enough to adopt this policy and I do not mean that

as a criticism of this government because I am acutely aware, as

everyone here will know, that this is a long-standing policy which

governments of all colours have taken. I mean no criticism of this

government and its minister but I do wish to say that it is not good

enough to continue this policy. It is not good enough for two reasons.

First, it is incumbent on all of us in this House to represent the many

thousands of people in our constituencies whose origins, family

origins, will be either Indian or Pakistani or Kashmiri, they deserve

to have their voices heard in this place and internationally. I will.

Just briefly. I think he is making a very important point. What Kashmiris

say to me, particularly in Nottingham and across the country,

it is almost there is a sense in which there needs to be a much

greater urgency from everyone to actually tackle this problem. It has

been going on for decades and people worry about that in ten years, 20,

30, people will stubbly discussing the same issue. That is why I begin

with this point about intractability because the other reason it is not

good enough to adopt the current position is that it is a legacy of

the British Empire and we should acknowledge our historic

responsibility. There is a conversation to be had here about

world views and willingness of individuals to accept ancestral

response will it be but that is perhaps for another day. What I'm

saying is that just because it is difficult to make a stand on this

issue, it does not mean it is not the right thing to do. It is the

right thing to do, to make a stand, as the British Government, on this

question. I would just like to pose some questions about lessons which

we might learn from our own referendum because I think those of

us who are asking for a referendum for the fulfilment of United Nations

mandates, we have to ask ourselves, what if we win, what if we make

progress, what if a referendum were held? I want to make two points. The

first is, on what collective basis could such a referendum be held?

What would be the day must assume who would vote? -- what would be

that day mosque? Who would vote? We know there are those who do not wish

to accept a national referendum result. We know the Scottish

National Party upon the point of how Scotland voted. These will all be

live issues in the event of the referendum being held in Kashmir. I

would appeal to the Kashmiris who work on this issue to give very

serious thought to what the demos would be and on what basis the

result will be considered legitimate by all parties. The other issue

which is an issue of the first seriousness is we saw in our own

country, in the UK, where politics generally precedes no further than

harsh language, that passions ran extremely high. In a region of the

world where life complex amongst major powers, nuclear armed powers,

it is a risk, I think we have to ask ourselves, how would a referendum in

Kashmir proceed peacefully, not just during the course of the campaign,

but afterwards as well? I would also make finally on this point something

about unity. I know there are British Kashmiris in Whickham who

voted remain and many who did not vote at all but they supported this

fundamental principle that we should have had a referendum and I'm very

used to stand with them united that as we go forwards which have a

referendum for Kashmir. The third point is perhaps the most

contentious. How should we make progress as Jim at the honourable

gentleman who preceded me described as untrue some of the things which

this House has already heard in the course of this debate. This is a

very important point. We have heard at different times Pakistan accused

of state-sponsored terrorism, we have heard India accused of using

inappropriate weapons, of gang rape, of murder. I do not wish to see the

wrath these nations slandered. Of course, the crucial difference

between a valid charge and a slander is the issue of truth. -- I do not

wish to see either of these nations slandered. I want a relentless focus

on objective fact. I know what I have seen with my own eyes of the

video shown to me, I have seen what purports to be Indian soldiers

beating confessions from a man and I have seen a video of what purports

to be Indian soldiers killing a man in the rubble of his own home in

Kashmir. They are images which I would prefer I had never seen and

which I would never wish to see again. The crucial question is, are

they a set up? Are they propaganda? Are they true question they are

true, the issue of Kashmir is a matter for the whole world. -- are

they true? If they are true. The overwhelming consensus is that we

should stay out of Indian affairs. But I would say that if these

allegations are true, the whole world cannot stay out of Kashmir and

India and Pakistan's affairs. I will not give way. I am being encouraged

to wrap up. I would say to the Government, I understand the Foreign

Office thinks the issue is intractable but we have seen in our

own country, it need not be. There are lessons to be learned, the

Government can facilitate them. For goodness sake, let us recognise that

if even a fraction of the allegations being made are true,

this is an urgent and pressing issue for the whole world. Thank you. The

House will know of my very long-standing interest in the issue

of Kashmir. In my consistency, there are many thousands of British

citizens of Kashmiri extraction who have made their home in my

constituency and I take an interest on their behalf and also a more

personal interest because my own family originate from Kashmir, or

four of my grandparents were born in Kashmir and before my family moved

to this country, so this debate has very personal resonance for me,

former constituency, myself my own family. The number has already set

out the background to the very long-standing dispute. -- the

member. I pay tribute to those who led the charge to get the debate

today. We have heard already that it is a very long-standing dispute

between two nuclear armed powers in one of the world's most heavily

militarised regions and it does not receive enough attention anywhere

outside of that region around the world and certainly not in our own

country, given the size of our British Kashmiri bop elation. It has

a lot of attention from that population but not enough from those

outside of that. I pay tribute to all of the campaign is on this issue

for, from all sides of the House, who have been taking every

opportunity available to raise this very serious matter in the House of

Commons and to press our government, both the current government and

previous governments, to do more to up to build a resolution to the

long-standing crisis. The further push for debate

regarding Kashmir has come in particular as a result of the

upsurge in violence that we have seen in India-administered Kashmir

from last summer. What we see there is the unacceptable failure of the

whole world and the denial to give effect to UN resolutions, to

represent the self determination of the Kashmiri people. The people have

lost hope and are rising against that loss of hope to try and force

their rights to be respected. That upsurge in violence had illicited a

brutal response from the Indian authorities. I disagree with my

honourable friend, I do not believe it is possible to minimise the

extent to which the Indian authorities have acted in a

disproportionate manner that has created great tragedy for the

Kashmiri people in that region. This is the biggest uprising in two

decades and the brutality of the Security Services cannot be ignored.

And that is seen by human rights organisations across the world,

including human rights watch, who found that the police and security

forces have acted with impunity and there have been killings and mass

rape and I concur with the comments made in the speech by the member for

High Wycombe that of course there will be questions about the voracity

of the videos we see on social media, but there should be an open

investigation to prove the voracity of the videos and if they are true,

which I I believe they will be found to be true, then there are big

questions for India to answer. A and there is a difference between the

Indian Government and the other Governments that commit human rights

abuses is that India is the largest democracy in the world and as a

democracy it is not simply giving a vote to your people, it includes

more, that is about respect for the rule of law and basic human rights

which have to be protected and sit alongside the ability of a people to

elect their own Government. Due to time I would be doing other members

out of time. The use of pellet gun has also been raised by members

already. But I think this is a significant issue for the Indian

Government eight is something on which our Government must press them

more. The Indian defence for the use of pellet guns to seal off

protesters who they say are throwing stones that is pellet guns are

non-lethal. A pellet gun is probably not going to kill you, but I defy

anybody to see pictures of victims to say that is a proportionate use

to use against civilians in a democracy. It is not and nobody I

believe in this House of Commons will stand up and say that it is.

Often when we have debated Kashmir, people who speak more in favour of

Indian Government stance on this will say, well, the position for

those that live in Kashmir is better, because they can vote and

they can take part in the democratic process and that they are basically

free so that self-determination is not necessary, because these are a

free people electing their own leaders with a significant

devolution of power. Well, nobody, not one person, in Kashmir has voted

to be hurt, to be injured, to be beaten up, to be raped to be blinded

or killed and pellet wounds are a brutal response and send a brutal

message to people and leave brutal scars. They are not just carried by

the individuals physically, but by the whole community, both in the

region and around the world for those of us of Kashmiri descent. It

is a sign of desire to resist repression. That cry to be heard is

falling on deaf ears in the largest democracy in the world, which wants

to do more business with the rest of the world and play a greater role in

world affairs. I'm afraid to say that current position is simply not

acceptable and our government must not shy away from making that plain.

Especially in relation to the use of pellet guns. Tremendous appalling,

sustained and deliberate misery has been visited upon the people of

Kashmir for too long. The stories of disappearances of the discovery of

mass graves that has brought no feshl UN -- initial UN-led

information and the impunity of security forces and the special

powers act. If a people are humiliated, abused and offered only

despair and no answers and no rights, then there will be uprising.

It is inevitable and none of us as responsible legislators also working

in a democracy can sit back and watch those events unfold and sit on

our hands. We can do more. The legacy of empire demands we do more.

We have a duty to speak out more regularly and challenge and

encourage both the Indian and the Pakistani authorities, I have to say

to the minister, the written answers to the questions that have been

tabled, particularly last summer, are so bland it is as if these

matters are something that is just a daily occurrence that can be

ignored. There are other disputes that gain more responses. There has

been no answer on whether the Prime Minister raised the issue of human

rights abuses with the Indian Government. It is not enough to tell

us the issue of Kashmir was raised, we need to know whether human rights

were raised. I believe it is now incumbent upon the British

Government to make a clear call at the UN to raise this issue at the

united nations to ask for an independent investigation and review

so we can demonstrate that while some parts of this world see this as

a foregopt conflict -- forgotten conflict, we will never forget it

and we will keep fighting. Thank you and a pleasure to follow the

honourable lady for Birmingham. I would also like to commend my

honourable friend the member for Bury North in the calm manner which

he introduced the debachlt bate. So far in this debate no one has yet

mentioned that the 19th January 1990 was an evil day in the history of

Kashmir. This was the day when 65,000 Hindus were forcibly expelled

from the Kashmir valley by Islamic Jihadist, under the slogan - die,

convert or leave. And they only forced the men out, they said, leave

your women, we will convert them, we will rape them and make them all

Muslim. The reality is that one of sad facts of this very largely

foregont area of -- forgotten area of conflict has been that we have a

religious element to this as well an aspect of where people wish to live.

I had the opportunity last year in February of visiting Kashmir and I

went to the area and I was able to meet people of all walks of life.

But in particular the people of Chamber of Commerce, who came with a

series of opportunities, not only opportunities for trade, Hydro

Electric power, for the opportunities of agriculture, of

canning goods to be sold across the world, of using the beauty of the

Kashmir valley to attract tourists to this area, an area we would all

love to visit and our people from across the world to be able to

visit. But the one fundamental issue they all raised was that of safety

and security. And the reality is Wen when is when we talk about the

suffering that has taken place in the region, we have to concentrate

on the human rights abuses and violations that have taken place on

the Hindus, on the Sikhs, and also the minority Muslims. The sad fact

is that this has been used as a means of literally ethnically

cleansing this part of world. We should remember as part of back

ground and I hope when the minister replays to this debate that he will

-- replies to this debate, when he will mention what the authorities

have identified as terrorism being one of major causes of concern to

the European Union and to India. They jointly in their communique

condemned the terror attacks in Brussels, Paris, and recalled the

November 2008 terror attacks in Mumbai. And called for the

perpetrators to be brought to justice. Leaders called for decisive

and united actions to be taken against Isil and other international

active terrorist groups such as Al-Qaeda. The reality is these

terrorist groups all operate from Pakistan. They are along the

international line of control. And the reality is they are infiltrating

terrorists into the sovereign state of Kashmir. Before I go on, we have

had contributions from colleagues, we should remember that the

fundamental elements of this is when Britain ceased to be the colonial

power, the decision on where states decided to opt for Pakistan or

Indian control was left to each state and the Mara ja signed the

instrument of accession to India, bringing the state under India on

26th October 1947. So we should be clear under international law, the

whole of Kashmir is an integral part of India. It is the crowning glory

of India. As such, every other aspect has gone on after that has

been violations of international law. The UN resolution which has

been alluded to by several members, of course we must remember the very

detail of this. It was Prime Minister Nehru that took the issue

to the UN in the first place, seeking very importantly the

Pakistani forces that illegally occupy part of the sovereign state

of Kashmir to leave. And the United Nations resolutions called on, the

first element is the illegally occupying forces of Pakistan to

leave cash mish and then for -- Kashmir and then for the Indian

forces to reduce to what is required for security and only then for a

decision to be made on a plebiscite of, for the people as to what should

be their destiny. Pakistan has never accepted that and never complied

with that resolution and that is one of reasons why we have this

challenge and problem today. I will give way. He is making a very

articulate case, does he think there is any chance of India engaging in

confidence-building measures on this point with Pakistan, so that that

element of the resolution might ever be fulfilled. Is India willing to

give appropriate assurances? Thank you. I can't speak for the

Government of India. And the role of the UK now is we ceased to be a

colonial power. We are not the power going to tell India or Pakistan what

to do. One reason I'm concerned it is could be misinterpreted in other

parts of world in this respect. I know the Deputy Speaker will hold

me to account. There have been numerous violations of the ceasefire

along the line of control and the recent upsurge in violence which was

mentioned by my honourable friend for Bury North, there have been

studies with the Indian troops were killed and murdered, the shells, the

GPS units, everything else, it came from Pakistan, they are Pakistani

military use. It is quite clear that Pakistan was behind that particular

conflict. I would also mention that the number of violations across the

line of control have been frequent, well-documented and need to be

understood and the recent upsurge in violence, of course, came about as a

result of the Indian forces eliminating the Jihadi John poster

boy of jihad. What I would just say in my final remarks, the use of

pellet guns and the other human rights abuses have been taken up by

the state government of Kashmir, they have had four debates on the

subject and the human rights abuses subject and the human rights abuses

fully investigated and any have been called to account, will

fully investigated and any perpetrators will be punished. I

state is looking after those aspects state is looking after those aspects

and what we want to see is a peaceful resolution to this position

and the people of Kashmir and Ladakh being able to live in peace and

harmony. Can I take this opportunity to congratulate the honourable

member for Bury North in securing this very important debate today? As

vice-chair of the old -- all-party parliament regroup, I want to put

that on the record. I am privileged to be able to take part in this

extremely important debate, one that I know matters deeply to many of my

constituents and also matters deeply to me personally. I also... My

family also originate from the state of Kashmir and I know the region

very well. Whilst the seriousness of this issue means that I could talk

at great length, time not permitting, I will try to keep my

contributions to several key areas. The first key area which I wish to

cover and the one I believe is the most pressing is the long-standing

and ongoing human rights abuses taking place in that region. It has

been mentioned last summer and long after, we saw the devastating

deployment of pellet guns resulting in the indiscriminate maiming and

blinding of hundreds and hundreds of Kashmiris. We also saw the horrific

photos of the aftermath of the use of pellets, the bloodied faces of

demonstrators and children, images that we would all like to forget.

But security forces did not stop there. We saw thousands injured and

internet cut and phone lines were strained and the region placed under

strict curfew, moves we would expect under a repressive regime and not

one which has the hallmarks of a free, open and liberal society. The

abuse then turned deadly with the illegal use of live ammunition, by

security forces, on unarmed demonstrators, resulting in their

deaths. Unfortunately, however, this is nothing new. The reality is that

human rights abuses have gone on largely unchecked for decades in

that region. Something well-documented by many

well-respected human rights organisations. Unaccountability for

these crimes is rife and if we are to address the abuses, Mr Deputy

Speaker, we must first look at the draconian Indian Armed Forces

special Powers act, an instrument which allows the security forces to

escape justice and accountability. Only ever intended to be invoked on

a temporary basis of the special Powers act has continued in force

since 1990. It has been widely criticised by well-respected human

rights organisations with numerous calls for it to be repealed, calls

which I repeat here today. It grants security forces in the region

heavy-handed powers to kill, arrest and search and it is because of this

act we have seen near unspeakable horrors and abuses of human rights,

extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, tortures, mass

rapes, children orphaned, and according to recent figures

published in the Journal of conflict resolution, between 1989 and 2010,

there were almost 7000 killings, 118 civilians arrested, almost 10,000

women rate or molested and as many as 10,000 Kashmiri use forcefully

disappeared -- women raped. If we are in any doubt that it is taking

place, and I must say that I do disagree with my honourable friend

from Ealing South, I think these abuses are well documented and to

deny that is to go against many well-respected human rights

organisations and to also go against the evidence and footage, both

photographic and video, that we have seen with our own eyes. I do

think... I'm a comeback. Time is limited. -- I may come back. It has

been mentioned in the House today, we must not turn a blind eye to

abuses taking place. We must not ignore them. We must not stand by.

We must send a clear message today that wherever it takes place,

injustice is injustice and will never be tolerated. The second

issue, Mr Deputy Speaker, is the issue around self-determination,

specifically the rights of the sons of daughters -- sons and daughters

of Kashmir. Determination and the urgent need for them to be able to

exercise this right. A lot has been said around the United Nations

resolution 47, calling for a plebiscite on the future of the

region and it is this resolution but I feel is crucial to the story of

Kashmir, past and present. It is a non-binding resolution, that is why

we have not seen the plebiscite take place in that region. However, I

call here today again, we need to see the implementation of that

resolution, whether it is called the UN resolution 47, a free and fair

plebiscite, whatever we want to name it, the ultimate choice must be for

the sons and daughters of Kashmir to determine their own destiny. For

over 70 years of the sons and daughters of Kashmir have waited for

their voice to be heard, they have been waiting to make their decision

on their future determine their lives. For over 70 years, they have

been denied their birthright to self-determination and the

international community must today allow what is fair, proper and allow

the sons and daughters of Kashmir the birthright. In concluding, time

not permitting, of course this is an area I am very passionate about and

I could go on, but in concluding, I want to again give the Minister, and

the Minister knows in this very House, I have asked him to use the

opportunity to condemn the abuses in human rights in that region and I

ask him again today, please use this opportunity on behalf of the

Government to condemn those abuses and at the very least, Minister,

please accept that the abuses taking place. Secondly, please assure us

they are doing everything they can to allow for a peaceful resolution

on the basis of the sons and daughters of Kashmir determining

their own destiny, something which is very much overdue. Thank you. And

I first congratulate the honourable member for securing this timely and

important debate? It is said that in war there are no winners, only

losers. If so, the people of the Kashmir region have paid too great a

price. Since the UN resolution in 1948, almost 70 years, we have been

no closer to self-determination. Many will speak today about the last

six month and backward steps. Curfews, censorship, the death of

military personnel on both sides and military personnel on both sides and

food shortages, refugee crisis civilians, the economy

food shortages, refugee crisis caused by displaced civilians and

community... Geek divisions on both control. We ask

community... Geek divisions on both sides of the line of control and

progress is well and truly in reverse -- deep divisions. It has

been the position of this government and successive governments that the

issue of Kashmir is for India and Pakistan to resolve at a pace that

they see fit in a way they see fit. It is not for this government to

intervene. But then what is it that this House and this country stands

for? We have lost of life, widely reported human rights abuses and

United Nations that cannot gain genuine access to the Kashmir

valley. To our shame, we raised this issue with both sides, but every

time any member of this government had been challenged to raise this

issue directly at the when, as far as we can tell, it has been politely

declined, deflected and ignored. Those that live in the region and

those of us that followed the events in Kashmir closely will know that it

is a deep underlying tension that has scarred one of the most

beautiful places in the world. We have all seen the pictures and

reports of the aggressive tactics used to silence dissent and squash

civil unrest. The people are restless. And rightly so. It has

been nearly 70 years since partition and we are no closer to being in

control of their own destiny. The reports that have come out of the

region have been tragic and disturbing. Estimates put the

civilian deaths somewhere between 85-120. The civilian casualties is

estimated to be over 13,000 because of action by security services. We

have thinking indication restricted, internet and telephone services, and

an attack on the free press, in particular the Kashmir Reader who

are banned for publishing for months. Many have talked about use

of pellets. The question of how... The pellets have a six metre

dispersal. It is by any definitive and indiscriminate use of force when

used in a crowd. Reports have shown that many civilians have lost their

eyesight because of this modern form of crowd control. One of the widely

reported stories I heard that struck me was that of a 14-year-old girl

who died of respiratory illness. She died as a result of inhaling chile

gas. For six days, she lived with burns to her throat and lungs and

eventually passed away in hospital on a ventilator. The motion itself,

in relation to the motion, it raises a number of issues that need

consideration by the House, the consideration

Government needs to do more at the Government needs to do more at the

tension, to encourage both sides to tension, to encourage both sides to

give the UN access to the Kashmir valley and assess reports of human

rights violations. Does she agree that one of the more constructive

things this government could do is press for an independent inquiry

into human rights abuses conducted by the UN which has helped in other

situations of around the world? I thank her for intervening and I

absolutely agree, we need to push for an independent inquiry. We are

not asking the Government to prescribe how Pakistan and India can

resolve the entrenched issue of peace in Kashmir but everyone here

would recognise that with the situation as it is on the ground,

with civilians being killed and impoverished, there can be no

progress towards peace and resolution. We have an obligation to

do everything in our power to help the region return to a level of

normality. I use that term loosely. Before any progress can be made

towards peace. What this motion also recognises is that for any meaning

of lasting peace in the region, the people of Kashmir have to have the

freedom and security to make that decision for themselves. We don't

talk about self-determination of the Kashmir people but under current

occupation, without lasting local representation, can we truly expect

to reach a position where the will and wishes of a people in this

region would be heard and truly listen to? Prizes like this are met

with excessive force, only further entrenching differences. -- up

roses. This has played out many times since the 1990s. The bodies of

swellings are counted and the people who survive and struggle to live in

the region become further embittered.

It is in the interest of Pakistan and India to improve the relations

for the safety and security of prosperity of people who live in the

region. The situation requires strong international leadership, not

to force them into a solution, but to invest in the foundation that can

lead to peace and the self-determination of the Kashmir

people and I call on this Government to take the lead. We have a

responsibility, 70 years in the making, we have as a nation have an

interest invested -- vested interested in both countries. We are

linked to both countries, we have had a major impact on their history

and we must help them create that future for them. We have signed a

massive trade deal with India, the China/Pakistani economic corridor

will impact on the wider world. There is an international

perspective and it is in our benefit. I spent my teenage years in

what is known as Kashmir. The area's name means free - free to go to the

shops, free to play and to go into the street, free to visit, and go

where I want to go and my family do. And my family continue to be in the

area and enjoy the freedoms. But the children in occupied Kashmir do not

have them freedoms. A son might not be returning with his eye sight,

that is 70% of his abilities as a human being. I know that from my

experience in working in disabilities, a young girl may not

return, but if he does, has she been raped? And we cannot and must not

abdicate our responsibility. It is shameful for this Government if it

continues in its inaction. I would ask members to support this motion

and call on the Government to use its climate to help much Pakistan

and India in a more prosperous relationship. Our lives begin to end

the day we become sigh sent about things that -- silent about things

that matter. This House cannot remain silent on the the issue any

more. It is a tragedy that we are still here debating this issue,

although grateful to members for securing the debate. Here we are are

again. It is a couple of years since we had a substantive discussion, as

we have been hearing, 70 years on since that petitioning --

partitioning of this region, where of course the UK, Britain, had an

integral responsibility and had a role. It is for that reason that we

can't wash our hands of this problem and ignore it. The UK does have a

long-standing duty and responsibility to take an interest

and to be involved in this particular issue. And we have heard

of course about the United Nations resolution and the call for a

plebiscite to give that opportunity to solve the issue and yet nothing

really moves forward. The frustration is palpable, I know from

many of my honourable friends in the chamber, we don't relish having to

come here and talk about this issue time and time again and yet it is

something we find ourselves having to raise and so you know decades on

we find ourselves talking about some of the tragedies that are occurring.

Yes, there are occasionally brief spells of calm that are then broken

by rising tensions, by conflict, by the flare up of issues, often

because there are funerals which breach curfews that are put in place

and those in turn escalate conflict in a heavily militarised part of the

world and on and on the cycle goes. We have heard very much from members

opposite about the effect of pellet guns, which is something I'm glad

many members have raised and the need for us to ensure that the UK

Government makes it clear that there are appropriate and inappropriate

ways to address civil issues when they arise on the streets. There are

a lot of different organisations, parts of community, that have a role

to play. I believe that the UK does have a role to play here. The United

Nations clearly has a role here and it can't and it shouldn't be parked

away, often because there is little media coverage. There is not much

information about what is happening in this part of world. And clearly

India and Pakistan don't just have a role, they have a responsibility to

do more to move away from the heat and the conflict in this situation

and find a better path to the future. And I also believe, because

we can see this in other conflicts zones around the world, that perhaps

a wider regional approach to finding peaceful solutions is also something

that should be explored. Often where there are bilateral disa agreements

between two countries in one region, trying to finds ways of saving face

on either side is incredibly difficult, as we have seen in the

middle east. There are arguments about involving other parties and

nations in that part of world to think about ways of breaking this

particular deadlock. I also think the Kashmiri community want to have

a role and do have a role, their a very vocal community in our country

and I think it is, as I have said to many groups that exist to press or

the attention to human rights and press for self-determination, it

would help if they can all co-ordinate, work together and also

communicate with members of Parliament in the new ways that we

need to operate. We are not getting information about what is happening

in that part of world. I think there is much more that could be done,

even on social media to make sure the wider community, policy makers

are aware of some of the issues. And I do think that effective

co-ordination would make a difference. So I would say we need

to start to think laterally about how to crack through this problem,

so we are not here again in two years time. What are the mechanisms

that could be open to try and find peaceful solutions? Well, I I think

that you the UK also has a role and should think about promoting

peace-keeping, encouraging governments to demilitarise and stop

the attacks and they should promote peace-building, which means

reversing some of the destructive steps that have been taking and they

should searching for negotiated solutions. Leaders Leaders in

Pakistan and India have to dial back on aggression and not be provoked by

individual attacks. Although there is difficult if they feel

governmental forces are alleged to be behind certain attacks. That

normalisation of situation in Kashmir is essential, so we can open

the routes and the channels for dialogue. We have to, as my

honourable friend for Bradford east and Birmingham said, go back to the

rule of law as a matter of urgency. To have accountability for the

police and the armed forces, where that has been lacking in many ways.

So I would call on the minister and the UK Government. I know there is a

long-standing position in terms of Foreign Office's policy on this. But

to think about ways of promoting conflict resolution, promoting

confidence-building measures between the different sides. For example, a

summit to learn the lessons of peace-making tactics that have been,

where the UK have been involved in times past. We know in Northern

Ireland it was a long-standing conflict and took a long time to get

people around the same table. There is expertise the UK Government has

and should find ways of applying it. I also think it is worth thinking

about economic development. And the role that economic development and

regeneration could have in reciprocation for dialogue we might

want to have. That has worked in other situations as well. So there

are many people who want the take part in the debate and I would want

to thank those from the Pakistani Kashmiri community who have made

strong representations to me. I'm going to be hosting on Friday 24th

February a Nottingham round table on the issue and try to bring together

as independently as I can, all those with an interest in the issue to try

and drill down into what the community is looking for and the

solutions that might be viable and to make those representations to the

Government. But I'm grateful to have had the opportunity to make that

point to the minister today. Thank you and it is a pleasure to follow

my honourable friend for Nottingham East. Particularly because I thought

it was a very solution-focussed speech. I would like to thank the

member for Bury North for securing and leading in terms of securing the

debate. I first visited Kashmir in 2011 after I was elected to serve

Rochdale. Kashmir was just as beautiful and the people as

welcoming as I told. But I knew this part of this world was fraught with

fear and tension. I heard from people on the ground about the human

rights abuses regularly carried out by the Indian army and since I have

kept a close eye on the situation. The brutality of the Indian army was

seen in full force last summer when unrest broke out in the region. The

use of live ammunition and pellet guns again public sector crowds was

entirely disproportionate and has been described by a number of

speakers today. I thank hi colleagues particularly for having

already raised those issues with our government. Tensions are still

simmering, manifesting in small clashes that could in the future

escalate. In such circumstances, Britain does have to step up to the

mark. We all know the old pottery barn rule, you break it, with well

then you have to fibgts. Thanks to -- you have to fibgts. Thanks to

imperial history there are plenty of broken pots across the world. It is

not acceptable for the British Government to wash their hands,

something I believe they're doing. And while I accept Pakistan and

India must at the front of striking a deal, there is no reason why

Britain can't play a more active role in bringing people around the

table and monitoring the human rights situation. It is my

understanding that during the British Prime Minister's meeting

with Indian premier, the issue of human rights abuses was not even

raised. Would the minister be able to confirm this when he wraps up? If

it's true what does it say about Britain's place in the world?

Earlier this week, the Prime Minister outlined her vision for a

global Britain. A Britain which was confident across the world. I

welcome this ambitious vision for our country. But I have my

reservations. I believe that this new outlook cannot solely be without

forging trade links across the world. The promotion of human rights

and liberal democratic values must be at the heart of British foreign

policy. If we are truly to wish to be a positive global player. I worry

in the coming years human rights will be pushed further down the

agenda as the Government seeks to secure Britain's economic future. We

have a expanded team working op international trade, who I'm sure

will be keen to strike some sort of free trade deal with India. I wonder

what this will mean for the people of Kashmir. It is perfectly

reasonable for a Prime Minister to raise sensitive issues like human

rights behind closed doors, as many Prime Ministers have done with their

counter parts in India previously. However, I'm not confident that

going forward this will happen. I would like the Government to provide

me and Britain's Kashmirry population with reassurances that

settling Kashmir will remain a part of the UK's dialogue with India and

Pakistan. Lastly, I would like too add that this not just about India

and Pakistan finding a solution, Kashmiries must also be part of any

future dialogue. Britain should promote their voice, a voice which

is too often shut out. And while we talk about human rights today. It is

important to remember the most important right for a peoples is the

right to self-determination. Therefore, I believe that it is

incumbent on the British Government to help the people of Kashmir

determine their own future. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for for

the member for Bury East for bringing the debate today. The

political situation in Kashmir continues to be a long-drawn-out

conflict, ranging back to 1947. Since then there there have been

surges in violence leading to the deaths of hundreds of civilians in

the area. Attempts a dialogue have been made by the Pakistani and

Indian Governments, ultimately these have amounted to nothing substantial

for the people of Kashmir and their calls for self-determination.

brutal 2010 has now been overshadowed by the summer of 2016

when we witnessed a tragic series of events which appeared to constitute

a violation of human rights. The killing of a rebel leader in

Kashmir, revered by the Pakistani population and known as a terrorist

by the Indian state, saw hundreds of Kashmiri citizens flood to the

streets in protest against the killing, such events are triggers

undoubtably in this long-standing conflict, often perpetrated by a

feeling of frustration and anger by the Kashmiri community who have

often found themselves restricted by curfews, limits to their freedom of

speech and at times humiliated at the hands of Indian officials. The

protesters threw stones when confronted by the Indian military.

The retaliation by the Indian military was staggering, they used

pellet guns in an attempt to disperse the crowds, although the

use of live bullets and CS gas also were noticeably present. By the end

of August, after six weeks of violence, 6000 civilians were

injured, almost 1000 of those suffered injuries to their eyes.

Pellet guns are seen as non-lethal crowd control weapons. But they have

devastating and long-lasting consequences. In a report, the

international network of civil liberties organisations and doctors

for human rights made clear, I quote, pellet rounds cause and

indiscriminate spray of an emission spreading widely and cannot be aimed

and are likely to be legal at close range and likely to be inaccurate

and indiscriminate at longer ranges. Most countries prohibit the use of

metal shots as excessively dangerous but several countries, such as

Bahrain and Egypt, use it regularly. It appears we should add India to

this list of states too. India is the largest democracy in the world

with a thriving economy and increasingly educated population. I

am therefore appalled by their attitude to the use of such methods

which are causing such damaging and at times life-threatening effects.

In the long term, such methods increase feelings of anger and

resentment within the Kashmiri community that no doubt will spring

over when something is triggers a reaction. I understand from an

answer by the baroness in the other House on the 23rd of December, in

response a question put forward on the 14th of December, that she

assures us the government of India is reviewing the use of pellet guns

in Kashmir. In a recent report it is suggested India will in future swap

this non-lethal method for alternative mechanisms. Whilst this

is welcomed, India must make a click it not used pellet guns in the

future and that any alternative crowd control mechanisms must be as

proportionately -- must be used proportionately and be in line with

human rights laws. India and Pakistan are both friends of the UK

but we should use this friendship to drive forward a policy of dialogue

between them on the issue of Kashmir. Respect for human rights,

freedom of speech and freedom of expression also. I strongly condemn

the violence in Kashmir, in particular the use of pellet guns,

and whilst we welcome the review into the review of that, it may fall

short of a clear commitment. As a member of the UN Security Council, I

really urge the Government to raise the matter of the human rights

abuses at the UN and to call for an investigation into the abuses.

Certainly, the contribution by my honourable friend, a wider look at

the human rights throughout the world, a review of that, that would

be welcome. It is in everybody pulls in interest that dialogue continues

on the issue of Kashmir said that a long sustainable solution is found

for the conflict that has already gone on for too long -- it is in

everybody's interests. The number of members we have got to want to catch

my eye for this debate and the following debate it means we will

drop the unofficial limit, there is no official limit, to 5-6 minutes,

and then we will come in on time. If members can keep to that, it would

be great. Thank you. I rise to support the motion to congratulate

the honourable member for Bury North for securing this debate. Like many

members, I represent a richly diverse constituency whose people

and that origins, more than 120 countries. Those whose family roots

are in Kashmir on one of the largest groups and one of the very many

advantages of having so many diaspora communities within my

constituency is that when we see issues around the world, we feel

them back home. For example, when the devastating earthquake hit

northern Pakistan in 2005, killing 90,000 people, leaving 3.5 million

homeless and destroying infrastructure, we felt the pain in

Sheffield. Through friends and neighbours whose families were in

the region. The city responded. As well as offering immediate support,

we set about raising funds for rebuilding infrastructure and

through those efforts, seven years later, Sheffield College opened on a

wooded hill overlooking the city above, a community at the heart of

the earthquake that had lost 10% of its population. I pay tribute to my

constituents and all of those who led the fundraising. Just as the

link through the diaspora community gives us a special responsibility

for natural disasters beyond our control, so it gives us a special

responsibility for those which we have shaped and which we can

influence. The UK clearly has a special responsibility dating back

to our occupation of Jammu and Kashmir and the terms of our

withdrawal after independence in 1947. When we see the sort of events

that have taken place since last July, it should focus us all once

more on seeking a settlement to one of the most long-standing post-war

grievances. The basis for the settlement should be, as others have

mentioned, UN Security Council resolution 47, agreed almost 70

years ago, in April, 1948, calling for a plebiscite for the people of

Kashmir to determine their own future. The wave of protests and

their suppression in the Kashmir valley following the killing have

been a tragedy for the people of Indian occupied Kashmir and should

have prompted a concerted effort by the international community for a

political solution. In response to a wave of strikes and rallies,

protests and demonstrations, the Indian authorities have responded

and many members have made this point with what looks to all the

world like disproportionate repression. In November, last year,

the BBC estimated that over 85 protesters had been killed.

Thousands more had been injured. As many members have cited, particular

concern has been the use of pellet guns by the Indian authorities.

These are guns firing shrapnel directly at protesters. As the BBC

reported, despite Indian soldiers supposedly being required by their

own standard operating procedure to target only the legs and only in

extremely volatile conditions, honourable members have described

the nature of these weapons, and 90% of those injured received injuries

above the waist, horrifying injuries, and again, as the BBC

reported, many children blinded. This simply cannot go on. I hope the

Government will make the strongest possible representations to the

Indian authorities and support that Amnesty International called for a

ban on the use of pellet guns. We need to go further. We need to

actively seek a political solution. When I tabled questions to the

Minister, and I have high regard for the Minister, back in September, he

confirmed a Government position and I quote, the long-standing position

of the UK is for India and Pakistan to find a solution in Kashmir. And

of course, that is right. But it is not enough. In other situations

around the world, where we see the sort of injustice we see in Kashmir,

and we see it exploding in the way it has recently, the international

community seeks to bring pressure to bear on the protagonists to seek a

solution and to engage with all the key stakeholders in making that

solution real. That is why my questions in September were asking,

what the UK Government was doing within the United Nations and indeed

within the Commonwealth to seek action. Frankly, the replies from

the Minister, that he had had no discussions and, and I quote again,

that the UK does not intend to support an international conference

or a plebiscite, in line with UN Security Council resolution 47, it

is simply unacceptable. In conclusion, I would ask him to think

again and just as the UK had played its part in creating this problem,

let us play our part in finding a solution. Madam Deputy Speaker,

thank you for calling me in this debate, I would also like to thank

the honourable gentleman for Bury North for bringing this debate to

the House. I would like to congratulate my honourable friend

for her detailed and passionate speech and my honourable friend from

Birmingham West for the determination and clarity with which

she gave her speech. Like many others in this place, I have been

horrified by the ongoing violence in Kashmir and I know that trying to

get peace for the region is of enormous importance to a great

number of my constituents. I remember when the honourable member

for Islington South came to speak to a packed out hole in our Pakistani

Kashmiri welfare Association centre, -- Hall. We heard heartbreaking

stories from my constituents, and anxiety intensified by frustration

at the seeming lack of political will to resolve the crisis. If the

Minister had been in the hall that afternoon, he would have been left

in no doubt at all about the urgency of the situation. I have also had a

number of constituents contact me in the lead up to this debate,

stressing their desire that peace be agreed in the short-term and

self-determination for the people of Kashmir be negotiated in the long

term. As we know, the long-standing position of the UK on Kashmir is

that it is for India and Pakistan to find a genuine political solution,

whilst respecting the wishes of the Kashmiri people. The Prime Minister

has previously stated it is not for the UK to prescribe solutions or act

as mediator. That said, we cannot ignore the urgency of the situation,

there are two nuclear powers with a volatile history of mistrust. As the

Minister will be aware under the partition plan of the Indian

independence act 1947, Kashmir was free to see seat either India or

Pakistan. Time does not permit me to give the full history but we cannot

avoid the fact there is a very clear link back to the complex and the

decision made here. We have a moral duty to encourage Pakistan and India

to commence peaceful negotiations to establish a long-term solution on

the future governance of Kashmir, based on the rights of the Kashmiri

people to determine their own future in accordance with the provisions of

the UN security resolutions. So far, we have not done enough. The Prime

Minister had the unique opportunity to raise human rights abuses in

Kashmir when she met with Prime Minister Modi in November. We have

have heard stated in the house the Parliamentary question that the

Prime Minister discussed Kashmir with the Indian Prime Minister but

sadly we have no information about what was said or agreed. We know

that the Prime Minister engaged in a charm offensive to secure a

lucrative trade deal with India. My concern, Madam Deputy Speaker, is

the Prime Minister's anxiety to secure a trade deal may have

diverted for comments on Kashmir. With that in mind, I would be very

raised with her counterparts and the expand on what the Prime Minister

raised with her counterparts and the responses she received. Did the

Prime Minister, for instance, raised the issue of arbitrary and excessive

force carried out by the Indian security forces? Can the British

Kashmiri people be assured their Prime Minister took meaningful steps

to leave Prime Minister Modi in no doubt that the conflict is

completely unacceptable? Amnesty International have stated this

excessive use of violence has violated international standards and

worsened existing human rights crisis in the region. The world has

witnessed in this flare-up of violence since July, 2016, it has

left us shocked. A devastating loss of civilian life and injuries

counted in their thousands, closures of universities and schools, general

strikes, curfews, the closure of media outlets and mobile phone

services. As we have discussed in this House, the use of pellet guns

by the authorities has left people blind with severe injuries and lives

have been lost. I wholeheartedly support Amnesty International's call

for a ban on pellet guns being used against stonethrowing protesters.

The injuries pellet guns believe are devastating.

A girl who had dreams of being a doctor was hit by a bullet. She

wants to know what she did wrong. A constituent told me of the state of

anxiety his family live in. Some are lucky enough to have made it out to

Pakistan. Others are left living in fear. The women and girls in his

family don't leave the house for fear they will be raped or attacked.

The men folk have to tell family where they are going, in case they

don't return. According to Asia Watch rape by police and the armed

militia is commonplace in Kashmir and the victims are generally poor

women and those who are vulnerable and low caste. Vicious acts that go

unpunished the British Kashmiri community have been at pains to

stress they want a peaceful solution. The lives of their friends

and family rely on it. Going forward from this debate, we must continue

to call on all parties to encage in meaning -- engage in meaningful

dialogue to break the cycle of violence on the breach of human

rights and seek a lasting solution to the issue. The wishes of Kashmiri

people must be at the forefront of those negotiations, because the

world is watching. It is a pleasure to speak in this important debate.

Can I congratulate my honourable friend for Batley on a fine speech

and I think she is a great addition to this House. So much has been said

which I could have said and doesn't need to be repeated. I commend so

many of these serious, important speeches that have been made. As

with many members, I represent several thousand Kashmir

constituents. Many came long ago, but they have not forgotten the

painful experience that continue. These experiences have become worse

and we must stand against the violence. The government must be

pressed to do more in international forums to secure an end to this. I

have spoken before on this and have in the past been with other members

to the Foreign Office making representations to ministers to

press them to use their influence to help eliminate the human rights

violations as a first step to restol ving the -- resolving the dispute. I

have visited Kashmir to a town where many of my constituents come from. I

have been too the region myself and it is not just a distant continent.

Both inds and Pakistan are nuclear powers and Kashmir is the prime

source of tension between the country and it is of the greatest

concern to the wider world that we find a solution to the Kashmir

dispute to make the world a safer place. I have had many meetings in

Luton with local Kashmiri constituents, while all want freedom

for the people there, there is a range of views about the future of

Kashmir. Some believe it should become part of Pakistan. No doubt

others will want it to remain part of India. Others want Kashmir to be

an independent state. The concept that unites all is that they should

decide their future for themselves. They should have self-determine

nation. I support the Kashmiris in that aspiration. They should

determine their own future and we should support them. Thank you.

According to Reuters at least 80 citizens were killed by Indian

forces between July and December last year. Many were in protests.