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It was the scoop of the century. | 0:00:02 | 0:00:06 | |
WikiLeaks lifts the curtain on the secret communications | 0:00:06 | 0:00:09 | |
between Washington and the diplomats that we have | 0:00:09 | 0:00:12 | |
stationed all over the globe. | 0:00:12 | 0:00:13 | |
I'm not aware of any release of information in human history | 0:00:15 | 0:00:18 | |
comparable to the amount that was released via WikiLeaks. | 0:00:18 | 0:00:23 | |
These were cables that showed a superpower's secret thoughts. | 0:00:23 | 0:00:26 | |
It was hard for me to look Secretary Clinton in the eye | 0:00:26 | 0:00:30 | |
when she'd say, "How did this happen?" | 0:00:30 | 0:00:32 | |
A quarter of a million US diplomatic messages, | 0:00:33 | 0:00:36 | |
apparently stolen by one of their own soldiers. | 0:00:36 | 0:00:39 | |
Turned into a global sensation by a whistle-blowing website | 0:00:41 | 0:00:45 | |
and its controversial founder - Julian Assagne. | 0:00:45 | 0:00:48 | |
I like crushing bastards. | 0:00:48 | 0:00:50 | |
I think every diplomat around the world | 0:00:50 | 0:00:52 | |
will have had one overriding thought - | 0:00:52 | 0:00:55 | |
"Thank god it wasn't me, and thank god it's not us." | 0:00:55 | 0:00:58 | |
In the first in-depth television analysis of the secret cables, | 0:00:58 | 0:01:02 | |
we lift the lid on how the world's greatest superpower does business, | 0:01:02 | 0:01:06 | |
and how it gets what it wants. | 0:01:06 | 0:01:08 | |
We reveal a superpower on a mission to change the world, | 0:01:10 | 0:01:13 | |
but a superpower that sometimes fails to live up to its own ideals. | 0:01:13 | 0:01:18 | |
It's a complete outrage. Diplomats stepping in to attempt | 0:01:19 | 0:01:24 | |
to obstruct the course of the criminal investigation. | 0:01:24 | 0:01:28 | |
Over a year has passed since the leaking of the cables. | 0:01:29 | 0:01:33 | |
Now we assess what the impact of the leak has been | 0:01:35 | 0:01:38 | |
in the US and beyond. | 0:01:38 | 0:01:41 | |
And we ask - can American diplomacy ever be the same again? | 0:01:41 | 0:01:47 | |
They don't trust you any more? | 0:01:47 | 0:01:49 | |
Many of them don't, and it will take a long time, | 0:01:49 | 0:01:52 | |
I think, to recover that trust. | 0:01:52 | 0:01:54 | |
It's late November, 2010. | 0:02:08 | 0:02:11 | |
Two journalists arrive at the US State Department in Washington DC. | 0:02:12 | 0:02:17 | |
The enormous ministry that controls America's relationship | 0:02:17 | 0:02:20 | |
with the rest of the world. | 0:02:20 | 0:02:22 | |
They're not here for a friendly chat. | 0:02:23 | 0:02:26 | |
They're about to blow the lid on America's diplomatic secrets. | 0:02:26 | 0:02:28 | |
There was maybe a dozen senior officials and behind them, you know, | 0:02:31 | 0:02:34 | |
at least a dozen more minions taking notes on laptops, and so on. | 0:02:34 | 0:02:38 | |
And they represented not just the State Department | 0:02:38 | 0:02:41 | |
but all of the intelligence agencies and the Defense Department. | 0:02:41 | 0:02:46 | |
And they did not look happy. | 0:02:46 | 0:02:47 | |
The US State Department was facing a crisis unlike any other. | 0:02:51 | 0:02:56 | |
A quarter of a million internal messages, or cables, | 0:02:56 | 0:02:59 | |
between Washington and US embassies all over the world | 0:02:59 | 0:03:03 | |
had found their way into the hands of the whistle-blowing website | 0:03:03 | 0:03:06 | |
WikiLeaks, and from there to five major newspapers. | 0:03:06 | 0:03:09 | |
Their message at the opening of the meeting, in no uncertain terms was, | 0:03:11 | 0:03:16 | |
you've been given stolen material. | 0:03:16 | 0:03:22 | |
Classified material. There would be grave consequences | 0:03:22 | 0:03:26 | |
if you published any of it. | 0:03:26 | 0:03:27 | |
At that meeting, one of the people leading the State Department's | 0:03:34 | 0:03:37 | |
response to the crisis was PJ Crowley. | 0:03:37 | 0:03:39 | |
These stories resulted from a crime. | 0:03:39 | 0:03:44 | |
For us this was still classified material | 0:03:44 | 0:03:46 | |
and it was our responsibility to, you know, to continue to protect it. | 0:03:47 | 0:03:50 | |
The State Department was right to be worried. | 0:03:51 | 0:03:56 | |
The cables reveal what American diplomats say | 0:03:58 | 0:04:01 | |
when they think the world will never know. | 0:04:01 | 0:04:04 | |
Who they trust, and who they mock. What they want, and how they get it. | 0:04:04 | 0:04:07 | |
"Some inside the US government dismiss Berlusconi | 0:04:09 | 0:04:13 | |
"as feckless, vain, and ineffective as a modern European leader. | 0:04:13 | 0:04:16 | |
"Merkel is risk averse and rarely creative. | 0:04:16 | 0:04:18 | |
"Gaddafi relies heavily on his long-time | 0:04:18 | 0:04:20 | |
"Ukrainian nurse, who has been described as a 'voluptuous blonde'." | 0:04:20 | 0:04:25 | |
Detailed records from thousands of secret meetings and conversations | 0:04:25 | 0:04:29 | |
involving US diplomats were about to become a media sensation. | 0:04:29 | 0:04:34 | |
"Bank of England Governor Mervyn King expressed great concern | 0:04:34 | 0:04:38 | |
"about Conservative leaders' lack of experience. | 0:04:38 | 0:04:41 | |
"It was related that King Abdullah remains a heavy smoker, | 0:04:41 | 0:04:44 | |
"regularly receives hormone injections and uses Viagra excessively." | 0:04:44 | 0:04:47 | |
Here were records of American diplomats' | 0:04:47 | 0:04:50 | |
secret plans and strategies, their uncertainties and fears. | 0:04:50 | 0:04:55 | |
"We should aim at influencing the group of individuals around him. | 0:04:57 | 0:05:00 | |
"Saudi energy facilities remain highly vulnerable to external attack. | 0:05:00 | 0:05:03 | |
"..Pointedly warned that urgent action is required. | 0:05:03 | 0:05:06 | |
"Without progress in the next few months, | 0:05:06 | 0:05:08 | |
"we risk nuclear proliferation in the Middle East." | 0:05:08 | 0:05:11 | |
All of this classified information was now in the hands of journalists. | 0:05:11 | 0:05:16 | |
In Washington, there was panic. | 0:05:20 | 0:05:22 | |
When the newspapers gave us access, | 0:05:23 | 0:05:26 | |
so that we could begin to get a sense of it, | 0:05:26 | 0:05:28 | |
I think there was a just growing sense of horror. | 0:05:28 | 0:05:32 | |
Can you remember Secretary Clinton's reaction? | 0:05:34 | 0:05:37 | |
She wasn't thrilled. | 0:05:37 | 0:05:38 | |
I think Secretary Clinton knew probably better than anybody | 0:05:38 | 0:05:42 | |
exactly just how delicate some of our relations were | 0:05:42 | 0:05:46 | |
with different countries. | 0:05:46 | 0:05:48 | |
The leak threatened the basics of US diplomacy. | 0:05:49 | 0:05:52 | |
When you're confronted with 250,000 cables, | 0:05:54 | 0:05:57 | |
in a way its overwhelming. You know, it involves everything. | 0:05:57 | 0:06:01 | |
But there was little they could do. | 0:06:03 | 0:06:05 | |
The five newspapers had already agreed on a publication date. | 0:06:06 | 0:06:10 | |
Nothing was going to stop them. | 0:06:10 | 0:06:13 | |
All the us government could do now was try to get ready. | 0:06:13 | 0:06:16 | |
They knew that within a matter of weeks | 0:06:16 | 0:06:18 | |
the world would know their secrets. | 0:06:18 | 0:06:20 | |
And the only question was how bad would it be? | 0:06:20 | 0:06:23 | |
We knew that it was going to potentially do an enormous | 0:06:26 | 0:06:29 | |
amount of damage to some of our key relationships. | 0:06:29 | 0:06:33 | |
What was the atmosphere in the State Department that these cables would be there for all to see? | 0:06:33 | 0:06:38 | |
Battening down the hatches. | 0:06:38 | 0:06:39 | |
On 28th November, 2010, it began. | 0:06:44 | 0:06:48 | |
Huge trove of documents released just hours ago | 0:06:48 | 0:06:50 | |
by the whistle-blowing website WikiLeaks... | 0:06:50 | 0:06:52 | |
The whistle-blowing website released another pile of government documents Sunday, including... | 0:06:52 | 0:06:57 | |
Whoever leaked all those State Department documents | 0:06:57 | 0:07:01 | |
to the WikiLeaks website is a traitor... | 0:07:01 | 0:07:04 | |
Within 24 hours, the cables had become a global sensation. | 0:07:05 | 0:07:09 | |
It's hard to think of a worse day for US diplomacy. | 0:07:10 | 0:07:14 | |
America's private opinions and conversations | 0:07:14 | 0:07:17 | |
splashed across every front page in the world. | 0:07:17 | 0:07:20 | |
So what's in there? Everything from global fears about Iran's nuclear programme | 0:07:26 | 0:07:30 | |
to news that China may have sabotaged Google. | 0:07:30 | 0:07:33 | |
Controversial and often embarrassing revelations include | 0:07:33 | 0:07:36 | |
an American diplomat describing Prince Andrew as "rude and cocky." | 0:07:36 | 0:07:40 | |
It was like that moment when an email gets sent to the wrong person. | 0:07:42 | 0:07:46 | |
Only it went to the whole world. | 0:07:46 | 0:07:49 | |
As the leaks poured out, foreign politicians looked on with horror. | 0:07:51 | 0:07:55 | |
I think every diplomat around the world | 0:07:58 | 0:07:59 | |
will have had one overriding thought - | 0:07:59 | 0:08:02 | |
"Thank god it wasn't me, and thank god it's not us." | 0:08:02 | 0:08:05 | |
There is nothing brave about sabotaging the peaceful relations | 0:08:08 | 0:08:13 | |
between nations on which our common security depends. | 0:08:13 | 0:08:18 | |
In the weeks after the leak, the US Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton | 0:08:18 | 0:08:23 | |
travelled the globe saying sorry. | 0:08:23 | 0:08:25 | |
Clinton even joked about getting special "Apology Tour" jackets made. | 0:08:26 | 0:08:32 | |
But in some parts of the world, | 0:08:34 | 0:08:36 | |
the fallout from the leak would be unstoppable. | 0:08:36 | 0:08:39 | |
We had to pull our ambassador out of Libya, for example, | 0:08:39 | 0:08:42 | |
because thugs were making threatening gestures to him. | 0:08:42 | 0:08:47 | |
We had an ambassador in Mexico, the Mexican government just made clear | 0:08:47 | 0:08:52 | |
"we can no longer do business with this American ambassador, | 0:08:52 | 0:08:57 | |
and he's now being replaced. | 0:08:57 | 0:08:59 | |
In Washington, tough questions were being asked. | 0:09:00 | 0:09:03 | |
President Obama is a pretty calm guy, | 0:09:05 | 0:09:08 | |
even in tough times and stressful times, | 0:09:08 | 0:09:12 | |
but he was clearly incredibly angry along with the rest of us, | 0:09:12 | 0:09:17 | |
and the question obviously, to me and to others, | 0:09:17 | 0:09:22 | |
was how in the world could this happen? | 0:09:22 | 0:09:23 | |
A suspect had been identified. Online chat logs had given him away. | 0:09:26 | 0:09:32 | |
The suspected source was not a foreign government, | 0:09:35 | 0:09:38 | |
or a spy at the heart of the US machine. | 0:09:38 | 0:09:42 | |
It was an American soldier | 0:09:42 | 0:09:44 | |
sitting in a remote base in the deserts of Iraq. | 0:09:44 | 0:09:47 | |
Bradley Manning was a lowly PFC, a Private First Class, | 0:09:48 | 0:09:52 | |
but he had access to a world of secrets. | 0:09:52 | 0:09:56 | |
We live in a world now when, you know, a twenty something PFC | 0:10:01 | 0:10:04 | |
in the American army can cause | 0:10:04 | 0:10:07 | |
diplomatic damage | 0:10:07 | 0:10:08 | |
of biblical proportions. | 0:10:08 | 0:10:10 | |
An enormous flaw in US military security | 0:10:10 | 0:10:14 | |
had left American diplomats and the US State Department compromised. | 0:10:14 | 0:10:19 | |
The State Department security was actually tighter than | 0:10:21 | 0:10:24 | |
military security in this instance. So there was anger, | 0:10:24 | 0:10:27 | |
disappointment, a feeling that this simply should not have happened. | 0:10:27 | 0:10:32 | |
Is it embarrassing to you personally? | 0:10:34 | 0:10:36 | |
-That it came out of your department? -Well, of course! | 0:10:36 | 0:10:38 | |
And it was hard for me to look Secretary Clinton in the eye | 0:10:38 | 0:10:43 | |
when she'd say, "How did this happen?" | 0:10:43 | 0:10:46 | |
Because it did come out of the Department of Defense, | 0:10:46 | 0:10:49 | |
it came of a military installation. | 0:10:49 | 0:10:52 | |
As the cables made headlines around the world, | 0:10:53 | 0:10:56 | |
some in America were demanding a tough response. | 0:10:56 | 0:11:01 | |
For them, the leak was the ultimate crime, | 0:11:01 | 0:11:02 | |
and Bradley Manning a traitor. | 0:11:02 | 0:11:04 | |
-What do you think of Bradley Manning? -I think he committed treason, | 0:11:06 | 0:11:09 | |
I think he should be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. | 0:11:09 | 0:11:12 | |
What does that mean? | 0:11:12 | 0:11:13 | |
Well, treason is the only crime defined by our constitution | 0:11:13 | 0:11:17 | |
and it says treason shall consist only of | 0:11:17 | 0:11:20 | |
levying war against the United States | 0:11:20 | 0:11:22 | |
or adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. | 0:11:22 | 0:11:27 | |
And he gave our enemies a lot of aid and comfort. | 0:11:27 | 0:11:29 | |
So what should happen to him? | 0:11:29 | 0:11:31 | |
He should be prosecuted, and if he's found guilty | 0:11:31 | 0:11:33 | |
he should be punished to the fullest extent possible. | 0:11:33 | 0:11:35 | |
-And what is that? -Death. | 0:11:35 | 0:11:38 | |
-You think he should be killed? -Yes. | 0:11:38 | 0:11:40 | |
The leak had rocked America and created a global sensation. | 0:11:43 | 0:11:48 | |
The superpower had shown it wasn't in control of its secrets. | 0:11:50 | 0:11:54 | |
It's now over a year since the first cables were released. | 0:11:56 | 0:11:59 | |
So, what has been the real impact of the leaking of these documents? | 0:11:59 | 0:12:04 | |
And what have the cables really told us | 0:12:04 | 0:12:06 | |
about how America does business in the world? | 0:12:06 | 0:12:10 | |
The fallout from the secret cables | 0:12:10 | 0:12:11 | |
was more than just damaged trust or lurid headlines. | 0:12:11 | 0:12:15 | |
We've found places where some believe | 0:12:15 | 0:12:17 | |
that the cable release itself changed countries. | 0:12:17 | 0:12:21 | |
In mid-October 2010, | 0:12:26 | 0:12:30 | |
two Tunisian political activists, | 0:12:30 | 0:12:32 | |
Sami Ben Gharbia and Malek Khadhraoui, | 0:12:32 | 0:12:34 | |
got hold of some of the secret US cables. | 0:12:34 | 0:12:38 | |
At the time, Tunisia was ruled by a dictator, President Ben Ali. | 0:12:38 | 0:12:43 | |
Someone got the cable and they gave me | 0:12:45 | 0:12:47 | |
a bunch of Arab leaks, around three hundred cables. | 0:12:47 | 0:12:53 | |
Sami Ben Gharbia called, and he told me that, "I have a bomb." | 0:12:55 | 0:12:58 | |
So, I opened the file and I start reading. | 0:12:58 | 0:13:00 | |
Inside the cables were damning reports, | 0:13:04 | 0:13:07 | |
written by the American ambassador about the dictator Ben Ali. | 0:13:07 | 0:13:11 | |
They showed the extent of his regime's corruption and excess. | 0:13:11 | 0:13:15 | |
"Corruption in Tunisia is getting worse. | 0:13:19 | 0:13:21 | |
"Whether it's cash, services, land, property, or yes, even your yacht, | 0:13:21 | 0:13:25 | |
"President Ben Ali's family is rumoured to covet it | 0:13:25 | 0:13:29 | |
"and reportedly gets what it wants." | 0:13:29 | 0:13:31 | |
This is Ben Ali's daughter, | 0:13:36 | 0:13:38 | |
Nesrine, and her billionaire husband, Mohammad Sakher El Materi. | 0:13:38 | 0:13:42 | |
And this was one of their houses, a luxury villa on the Tunisian coast. | 0:13:44 | 0:13:48 | |
This villa's obviously been smashed up by looters, | 0:13:54 | 0:13:57 | |
but this place inspired one of the most infamous cables | 0:13:57 | 0:14:00 | |
to come out of Tunisia. | 0:14:00 | 0:14:03 | |
The American ambassador was invited here for dinner, | 0:14:03 | 0:14:06 | |
and what he found, the wealth and the opulence, astounded him. | 0:14:06 | 0:14:12 | |
"Ancient artefacts everywhere, Roman columns, frescoes, | 0:14:17 | 0:14:21 | |
"and even a lion's head from which water pours into the pool." | 0:14:21 | 0:14:25 | |
"The opulence with which El Materi and Nesrine live, | 0:14:28 | 0:14:31 | |
"and their behaviour make clear why they and other members | 0:14:31 | 0:14:34 | |
"of Ben Ali's family are disliked and even hated by some Tunisians. | 0:14:34 | 0:14:39 | |
"The excesses of the Ben Ali family are growing." | 0:14:39 | 0:14:43 | |
So, this cage is very, very famous in Tunisia, | 0:14:44 | 0:14:47 | |
and it's all because of the cables. | 0:14:47 | 0:14:50 | |
This is where Ben Ali's son-in-law kept his pet tiger. | 0:14:50 | 0:14:54 | |
And from the cables, we're told that at a time | 0:14:54 | 0:14:57 | |
when there were people here in Tunisia | 0:14:57 | 0:15:01 | |
who couldn't afford to eat, this animal was fed four chickens a day. | 0:15:01 | 0:15:04 | |
At the time of the cable release, | 0:15:11 | 0:15:13 | |
Tunisia was already suffering economic unrest. | 0:15:13 | 0:15:15 | |
Food prices were rising. Youth unemployment was at crisis point. | 0:15:17 | 0:15:21 | |
The cables showed the contrast between | 0:15:25 | 0:15:27 | |
the lives of ordinary people and their rulers. | 0:15:27 | 0:15:30 | |
For activists like Malek and Sami, | 0:15:30 | 0:15:32 | |
the cable leak was an extraordinary opportunity. | 0:15:32 | 0:15:37 | |
The WikiLeaks cable was, for us, like a new a new tool, | 0:15:37 | 0:15:40 | |
or a new weapon to make this contest | 0:15:40 | 0:15:45 | |
come down from the internet to the street. | 0:15:45 | 0:15:48 | |
They published the Tunisian cables | 0:15:50 | 0:15:52 | |
on the same day as the WikiLeaks splash. | 0:15:52 | 0:15:55 | |
It was a very huge reaction, first of all on the social networks, | 0:15:55 | 0:16:00 | |
Twitter, Facebook, and you know, our community, | 0:16:00 | 0:16:04 | |
it was like a bomb. | 0:16:04 | 0:16:06 | |
Now, the secret American reports of the Ben Alis' excess | 0:16:08 | 0:16:12 | |
were out there for ordinary Tunisians to read. | 0:16:12 | 0:16:16 | |
It wasn't that Tunisia didn't know about the corruption, | 0:16:16 | 0:16:18 | |
most people here were well aware of how the elite lived, | 0:16:18 | 0:16:22 | |
it was now that they could see that the Americans knew. | 0:16:22 | 0:16:26 | |
Ben Ali was a president who made an awful lot of his relationship | 0:16:26 | 0:16:30 | |
with the United States, | 0:16:30 | 0:16:31 | |
but the cables show that the Americans knew him for what he was. | 0:16:31 | 0:16:37 | |
They were critical and they were disparaging. | 0:16:37 | 0:16:40 | |
When the people was in the street, they have in their mind | 0:16:42 | 0:16:46 | |
that this regime is really corrupt, | 0:16:46 | 0:16:49 | |
that this regime is not really supported by foreign forces, | 0:16:49 | 0:16:54 | |
so that maybe people was saying, "OK, maybe it's not too strong, | 0:16:54 | 0:17:00 | |
"maybe he's not too invincible." | 0:17:00 | 0:17:03 | |
And senior ministers in Ben Ali's regime | 0:17:07 | 0:17:11 | |
saw the cables were having an impact. | 0:17:11 | 0:17:14 | |
When the people of Tunisia saw that there is this criticism | 0:17:14 | 0:17:19 | |
of the president, of the surrounding circle, etc, | 0:17:19 | 0:17:25 | |
of course, maybe they were not expecting this from the Americans. | 0:17:25 | 0:17:29 | |
So what difference did that make? | 0:17:29 | 0:17:31 | |
I think it did, it did encourage people to speak | 0:17:31 | 0:17:33 | |
in a more open and louder way. | 0:17:33 | 0:17:37 | |
This is, in my opinion, there is no doubt. | 0:17:37 | 0:17:39 | |
The regime tried to block the websites carrying the cables. | 0:17:41 | 0:17:45 | |
They failed. | 0:17:45 | 0:17:47 | |
The secret documents helped fuel a mood of change in Tunisia. | 0:17:47 | 0:17:51 | |
We publish them on, on November 28th, | 0:17:51 | 0:17:54 | |
and the revolution started on December 17th, | 0:17:54 | 0:17:57 | |
its two weeks, two weeks. | 0:17:57 | 0:17:58 | |
SHOUTING | 0:18:00 | 0:18:02 | |
MAN CRIES OUT | 0:18:05 | 0:18:07 | |
The revolution began when a young Tunisian, Mohamed Bouazizi, | 0:18:07 | 0:18:12 | |
set himself on fire in protest at his mistreatment by the regime. | 0:18:12 | 0:18:17 | |
His death provoked outrage and brought crowds to the streets. | 0:18:18 | 0:18:22 | |
And as they vented their anger, | 0:18:25 | 0:18:27 | |
the cables inspired many of their chants. | 0:18:27 | 0:18:30 | |
GUNFIRE | 0:18:30 | 0:18:32 | |
We see, during the revolution, some slogans talking about | 0:18:35 | 0:18:38 | |
the content of this cables, making reference to | 0:18:38 | 0:18:43 | |
the very rich life that those people are living, | 0:18:43 | 0:18:48 | |
and the role of the state. | 0:18:48 | 0:18:50 | |
A lot of people was referring to this stories. | 0:18:50 | 0:18:54 | |
CROWN CHANTS | 0:18:55 | 0:18:57 | |
Those protests would bring down a dictatorship | 0:18:58 | 0:19:02 | |
that had lasted 23 years. | 0:19:02 | 0:19:04 | |
Ben Ali fled the country. | 0:19:06 | 0:19:08 | |
The Tunisian revolution spread, and prompted a wave of uprisings | 0:19:08 | 0:19:12 | |
that became known as the Arab spring. | 0:19:12 | 0:19:14 | |
The cable leak had played a part in history. | 0:19:14 | 0:19:18 | |
But what about America itself? | 0:19:25 | 0:19:28 | |
What do the cables reveal about the superpower? | 0:19:28 | 0:19:31 | |
We've spent months analysing these documents. | 0:19:32 | 0:19:36 | |
They show how America's diplomats try to get what they want. | 0:19:36 | 0:19:38 | |
How they gather gossip, and how they use it. | 0:19:39 | 0:19:42 | |
How they deal with their enemies, | 0:19:42 | 0:19:43 | |
and what they say about their friends | 0:19:43 | 0:19:45 | |
when they think no-one's listening. | 0:19:45 | 0:19:48 | |
So what does America say about it's closest friend of all us? | 0:19:54 | 0:19:58 | |
The two countries have fought alongside each other | 0:20:01 | 0:20:04 | |
in Iraq and Afghanistan, | 0:20:04 | 0:20:06 | |
but the cables reveal harsh US criticism of the British military. | 0:20:06 | 0:20:10 | |
A secret document from December 2008 | 0:20:12 | 0:20:15 | |
offered a bleak assessment of British capabilities. | 0:20:15 | 0:20:19 | |
"The British are not up to the task of securing Helmand." | 0:20:22 | 0:20:26 | |
It forced Hillary Clinton to offer yet another apology. | 0:20:27 | 0:20:31 | |
I personally want to convey to the government | 0:20:33 | 0:20:36 | |
and the people of the United Kingdom both our deep respect | 0:20:36 | 0:20:40 | |
and admiration for the extraordinary efforts and our regret | 0:20:40 | 0:20:45 | |
that if anything that was said by anyone suggests to the contrary. | 0:20:45 | 0:20:50 | |
And the secret documents show the Americans were hearing | 0:20:51 | 0:20:55 | |
concerns about our political leaders. | 0:20:55 | 0:20:58 | |
In February 2010, the Governor of the Bank of England, Mervyn King, | 0:21:01 | 0:21:06 | |
and the US ambassador in London discussed the then Conservative opposition. | 0:21:06 | 0:21:10 | |
This is the cable that followed. | 0:21:10 | 0:21:12 | |
"King expressed great concern about Conservative leaders' | 0:21:15 | 0:21:18 | |
"lack of experience. Cameron and Osborne have only a few advisors, | 0:21:18 | 0:21:23 | |
"and seemed resistant to reaching out beyond their small inner circle." | 0:21:23 | 0:21:27 | |
It is the duty of a diplomat | 0:21:33 | 0:21:35 | |
to report those conversations so people can take that into account | 0:21:35 | 0:21:41 | |
so they know what's going on, and gossip is not gossip | 0:21:41 | 0:21:46 | |
if it's conversations that are had. | 0:21:46 | 0:21:49 | |
Gossip is speculation and there is no speculation. | 0:21:49 | 0:21:52 | |
But some cables are not so easy to explain away. | 0:21:57 | 0:22:00 | |
In 2009, Ivan Lewis was a Foreign Office Minister in Tony Blair's government. | 0:22:03 | 0:22:09 | |
He got to know the Americans during this time. | 0:22:09 | 0:22:12 | |
And they tried to get to know him. | 0:22:12 | 0:22:15 | |
No detail, or rumour, was too grubby. | 0:22:15 | 0:22:17 | |
"Lewis reportedly remains a bit of a hound dog where women are concerned." | 0:22:20 | 0:22:25 | |
"Contacts who know him well report he has manic depressive tendencies | 0:22:29 | 0:22:33 | |
" 'he's very up one minute, very down the next,' | 0:22:33 | 0:22:36 | |
"and at least one FCO colleague has described Lewis as a 'bully'." | 0:22:36 | 0:22:42 | |
US diplomats may claim to be simply reporting what they hear, | 0:22:46 | 0:22:51 | |
but it seems from the cables that no detail is too trivial. | 0:22:51 | 0:22:54 | |
Biographic data is something that is valuable... | 0:22:55 | 0:23:00 | |
building an understanding of the personalities, the proclivities, | 0:23:00 | 0:23:07 | |
what might be distracting to individuals, what might explain | 0:23:07 | 0:23:12 | |
the behaviour of third parties toward that individual. | 0:23:12 | 0:23:16 | |
Finding out that somebody has a reputation, | 0:23:16 | 0:23:19 | |
a bad reputation with women, | 0:23:19 | 0:23:22 | |
once might have been an advantage, | 0:23:22 | 0:23:25 | |
but these days generally isn't. | 0:23:25 | 0:23:27 | |
So why, then, did Hillary Clinton send this to London one month | 0:23:30 | 0:23:35 | |
after the cable about Lewis was written? | 0:23:35 | 0:23:37 | |
"Washington analysts appreciate the excellent background | 0:23:41 | 0:23:44 | |
"and biographic reporting on Ivan Lewis. | 0:23:44 | 0:23:46 | |
"Cable regarding Lewis' bullying, possible depression | 0:23:48 | 0:23:51 | |
"and scandals, as well as comments on the state of his marriage | 0:23:51 | 0:23:55 | |
"are particularly insightful and timely." | 0:23:55 | 0:23:57 | |
We contacted Mr Lewis but he didn't want to comment. | 0:24:03 | 0:24:05 | |
As for America's diplomats, the cable speaks for itself. | 0:24:07 | 0:24:11 | |
Dirt and gossip, even on America's closest friends, | 0:24:11 | 0:24:15 | |
goes down very well in Washington. | 0:24:15 | 0:24:18 | |
Gossip can reveal information about people that | 0:24:18 | 0:24:21 | |
shows their strengths and weaknesses. | 0:24:21 | 0:24:24 | |
Just like politicians use it. | 0:24:24 | 0:24:26 | |
It doesn't mean that you believe everything | 0:24:26 | 0:24:29 | |
but information is information. | 0:24:29 | 0:24:31 | |
And there is no limit to America's desire for information on its friends. | 0:24:38 | 0:24:42 | |
It's about much more than just gossip. | 0:24:44 | 0:24:46 | |
What we've seen is the Americans want any piece information, | 0:24:46 | 0:24:50 | |
no matter how trivial. | 0:24:50 | 0:24:51 | |
And no one, it seems, is off-limits. | 0:24:54 | 0:24:56 | |
America's most important Arab ally in the Middle East is Saudi Arabia. | 0:24:56 | 0:25:00 | |
They're close militarily and the US relies on Saudi for oil. | 0:25:01 | 0:25:05 | |
But when it comes to information, everything's up for grabs, | 0:25:07 | 0:25:11 | |
including the King's secret medical file. | 0:25:11 | 0:25:14 | |
"Upon arrival, the Royal Clinic accidentally provided this | 0:25:17 | 0:25:20 | |
"physician with the King's medical file. | 0:25:20 | 0:25:22 | |
"It was related that King Abdullah is 92 years old, | 0:25:22 | 0:25:25 | |
"he remains a heavy smoker, | 0:25:25 | 0:25:26 | |
"regularly receives hormone injections and 'uses Viagra excessively'." | 0:25:26 | 0:25:31 | |
It looks like US diplomats | 0:25:37 | 0:25:40 | |
behaving like tabloid hacks - anything to get the story. | 0:25:40 | 0:25:44 | |
But this has a serious side. | 0:25:44 | 0:25:47 | |
There have been cases in which elderly rulers | 0:25:47 | 0:25:50 | |
members of ruling families quite literally in the case of Viagra, | 0:25:50 | 0:25:54 | |
have died from a stroke, from an overdose of Viagra, | 0:25:54 | 0:25:57 | |
so it's, you know, we laugh about it | 0:25:57 | 0:25:59 | |
but in fact as a medical question, it's serious. | 0:25:59 | 0:26:02 | |
The cables seem to bear this out. | 0:26:02 | 0:26:05 | |
"The Saudi Arabian government has always kept close-hold any personal | 0:26:08 | 0:26:12 | |
"information on Royal family members. | 0:26:12 | 0:26:14 | |
"This medical information provides some detail into the King's health | 0:26:14 | 0:26:18 | |
"and longevity, and is provided to Washington for additional analysis." | 0:26:18 | 0:26:22 | |
The cables are a snapshot of America's vast information-gathering machine. | 0:26:27 | 0:26:32 | |
But again what's most revealing is the sort of behaviour | 0:26:32 | 0:26:35 | |
that is officially demanded - even of US diplomats at the United Nations. | 0:26:35 | 0:26:40 | |
Diplomats are not spies, | 0:26:42 | 0:26:44 | |
which is why the US didn't want the world to see these secret requests. | 0:26:44 | 0:26:48 | |
"Reporting officers should include as much of the following | 0:26:51 | 0:26:54 | |
"information as possible - credit card account numbers, frequent flyer account numbers, work schedules, | 0:26:54 | 0:27:01 | |
"and other relevant biographical information." | 0:27:01 | 0:27:04 | |
This seems pretty clear. | 0:27:06 | 0:27:08 | |
The Secretary of State requesting US diplomats to do their best | 0:27:08 | 0:27:13 | |
to collect personal and private information on foreign diplomats at the UN. | 0:27:13 | 0:27:17 | |
Even the Secretary General and members of the Security Council were targeted. | 0:27:20 | 0:27:25 | |
"Plans and intentions of the UN Secretary General. | 0:27:28 | 0:27:31 | |
"Biometric information on UN Security Council Permanent Representatives." | 0:27:31 | 0:27:35 | |
But those on the inside of the State Department | 0:27:39 | 0:27:41 | |
deny the obvious conclusion. | 0:27:41 | 0:27:43 | |
Should we view diplomats as effectively spies as well? | 0:27:44 | 0:27:47 | |
-No. -Why? -They're not! | 0:27:47 | 0:27:49 | |
They're asked to spy in the cable. | 0:27:49 | 0:27:52 | |
That doesn't mean they do. | 0:27:52 | 0:27:53 | |
But for those outside of the US Government, | 0:27:58 | 0:28:01 | |
that secret cable was disturbing. | 0:28:01 | 0:28:03 | |
What I think is troubling is here were American diplomats, | 0:28:06 | 0:28:11 | |
in a sense, asked to do the spade work of spying and collect this kind | 0:28:11 | 0:28:15 | |
of data on their counterparts and I suspect that's been very damaging | 0:28:15 | 0:28:20 | |
to the relationships of trust and confidence and friendship | 0:28:20 | 0:28:24 | |
that they would have been trying to develop | 0:28:24 | 0:28:26 | |
with people from other countries. | 0:28:26 | 0:28:28 | |
The cables reveal aspects of US diplomacy | 0:28:39 | 0:28:42 | |
that America did not want us to see. | 0:28:42 | 0:28:45 | |
But the real story of the cables is more complicated. | 0:28:45 | 0:28:48 | |
These secret documents show US diplomats apparently trying to do good. | 0:28:50 | 0:28:55 | |
In country after country, even behind closed doors, | 0:28:56 | 0:29:00 | |
they're raising issues like freedom, democracy and human rights. | 0:29:00 | 0:29:04 | |
"The Assistant Secretary stressed the importance of human rights to the US Government and public." | 0:29:04 | 0:29:09 | |
"The Deputy Secretary of State stressed US Government concerns | 0:29:09 | 0:29:12 | |
"about the deteriorating human rights situation in Vietnam." | 0:29:12 | 0:29:15 | |
"We should take every opportunity to promote sustained, democratic change in Burma." | 0:29:15 | 0:29:22 | |
And yet, the cables show a real tension in American diplomacy. | 0:29:22 | 0:29:26 | |
The US wants to spread its ideals across the world | 0:29:29 | 0:29:31 | |
but struggles to reconcile this with its other interests, | 0:29:31 | 0:29:35 | |
like protecting some of its unsavoury alliances. | 0:29:35 | 0:29:38 | |
September 11th brought this tension to the fore. | 0:29:40 | 0:29:43 | |
We're really talking about what happened after 9/11. | 0:29:44 | 0:29:47 | |
You have this attack. The question that then arises is | 0:29:47 | 0:29:51 | |
what happened, why, what produces this? | 0:29:51 | 0:29:53 | |
And the answer that President Bush, | 0:29:53 | 0:29:56 | |
came to in his own mind, um, | 0:29:56 | 0:29:58 | |
was, um, repression produces this, | 0:29:58 | 0:30:01 | |
the embitterment of young people who | 0:30:01 | 0:30:03 | |
have no place to go, politically in their own countries, | 0:30:03 | 0:30:07 | |
which are very oppressive dictatorships, | 0:30:07 | 0:30:09 | |
and the antidote therefore is | 0:30:09 | 0:30:12 | |
what he called the Freedom Agenda, the expansion of democracy. | 0:30:12 | 0:30:16 | |
One of the places where that Freedom Agenda was applied was Egypt. | 0:30:26 | 0:30:31 | |
For over two decades it had been ruled by Hosni Mubarak - | 0:30:33 | 0:30:36 | |
a pro-American dictator. | 0:30:36 | 0:30:39 | |
The Americans were giving him 1.3 billion in military assistance every year, | 0:30:39 | 0:30:45 | |
but the cables show US diplomats were also pushing for reform. | 0:30:45 | 0:30:49 | |
"We do not have a silver bullet, | 0:30:51 | 0:30:53 | |
"but we can press reforms that will lead, inexorably, | 0:30:53 | 0:30:56 | |
"to the 'death by 1,000 cuts' of Egypt's authoritarian system." | 0:30:56 | 0:31:00 | |
The cables show that the US push for greater freedom in Egypt reached into Mubarak's home, | 0:31:04 | 0:31:10 | |
targeting his son, Gamal, and his wife, Suzanne. | 0:31:10 | 0:31:13 | |
"We should aim at influencing the narrow group of individuals | 0:31:17 | 0:31:21 | |
"that surround him, including Gamal and Suzanne Mubarak." | 0:31:21 | 0:31:26 | |
One man came to symbolise America's drive for change - Ayman Nour. | 0:31:28 | 0:31:34 | |
Nour had challenged Mubarak for the Egyptian presidency in 2005. | 0:31:34 | 0:31:39 | |
Four months later, he was convicted and imprisoned on what the US believed to be trumped-up charges. | 0:31:39 | 0:31:45 | |
"The Embassy has raised strong concerns about the arrest | 0:31:50 | 0:31:53 | |
"and detention of Ayman Nour, with a variety of Government of Egypt | 0:31:53 | 0:31:57 | |
"contacts at both senior and working levels." | 0:31:57 | 0:31:59 | |
The cables show that America repeatedly raised Nour's case | 0:32:31 | 0:32:35 | |
with the Mubarak regime. | 0:32:35 | 0:32:37 | |
And they reveal the dictator's angry response. | 0:32:38 | 0:32:41 | |
"Mubarak takes this issue personally, and it makes him seethe when we raise it." | 0:32:44 | 0:32:48 | |
Nabil Fahmy was Egypt's ambassador in Washington during the Bush years. | 0:32:53 | 0:32:58 | |
The Ayman Nour issue was impacting on Mubarak's dealings with the US. | 0:32:58 | 0:33:02 | |
References to specific cases annoyed him quite a bit. | 0:33:06 | 0:33:08 | |
Now again, and you could see this in how he reacted towards the US and the administration generally. | 0:33:08 | 0:33:13 | |
He did not come back to the US in Bush's second term, not once. | 0:33:13 | 0:33:18 | |
America's push for reform - pursued privately and publicly - | 0:33:18 | 0:33:22 | |
was poisoning relations. | 0:33:22 | 0:33:24 | |
When the Americans linked the war against terrorism to democracy promotion, | 0:33:25 | 0:33:31 | |
it really complicated things and it made, and it personalised the, | 0:33:31 | 0:33:35 | |
the tensions between the two presidents, in particular President Bush, | 0:33:35 | 0:33:39 | |
George W Bush, and President Mubarak. | 0:33:39 | 0:33:42 | |
"Mubarak resents and ridicules the US reform agenda." | 0:33:45 | 0:33:49 | |
The cables show US diplomats warning this pressure for reform | 0:33:51 | 0:33:55 | |
had pushed the relationship between America and Egypt to a new low. | 0:33:55 | 0:34:00 | |
"US and Egyptian differences over the pace and direction of political reform | 0:34:03 | 0:34:08 | |
"have drained the warmth from the relationship on both sides." | 0:34:08 | 0:34:11 | |
But the Americans needed Mubarak. | 0:34:14 | 0:34:16 | |
US security interests depended on the alliance. | 0:34:18 | 0:34:22 | |
The Suez Canal was an artery for American military operations around the world | 0:34:22 | 0:34:26 | |
and Egypt's peace deal with Israel had helped to preserve a kind of stability in the Middle East. | 0:34:26 | 0:34:31 | |
This was a dilemma at the heart of American diplomacy, | 0:34:31 | 0:34:34 | |
and it's captured in a cable. | 0:34:34 | 0:34:35 | |
"An ongoing challenge remains balancing our security interests | 0:34:40 | 0:34:44 | |
"with our democracy promotion efforts." | 0:34:44 | 0:34:47 | |
A long friendship, a partnership with Egypt against terrorism, | 0:34:49 | 0:34:53 | |
an Egypt under Mubarak, who by any measure | 0:34:53 | 0:34:56 | |
would be more forward-leaning with regard to Middle East peace | 0:34:56 | 0:35:00 | |
than an Egyptian government that was more reflective | 0:35:00 | 0:35:03 | |
of the Egyptian street. | 0:35:03 | 0:35:05 | |
And then over here you just had the raw demands of democracy and representative government. | 0:35:05 | 0:35:10 | |
These are hard choices. | 0:35:10 | 0:35:11 | |
The Americans weren't the only ones facing hard choices. | 0:35:13 | 0:35:17 | |
British Ministers also had conflicting feelings about Mubarak. | 0:35:17 | 0:35:21 | |
President Mubarak was President of Egypt. We all dealt with him. | 0:35:23 | 0:35:27 | |
That didn't mean that we supported | 0:35:27 | 0:35:29 | |
what he did either on the economy, with his family | 0:35:29 | 0:35:31 | |
or on the human rights. | 0:35:31 | 0:35:32 | |
But he was clearly seen as a critical ally | 0:35:32 | 0:35:37 | |
both by Israel and the Palestinians, | 0:35:37 | 0:35:39 | |
on the issue of Middle East stability and peace. | 0:35:39 | 0:35:42 | |
Therefore, he was a very important player for us as well. | 0:35:42 | 0:35:46 | |
In 2009, a new American administration chose a new approach. | 0:35:50 | 0:35:55 | |
President Obama decided it was in America's interests | 0:35:55 | 0:35:59 | |
to warm relations up with the Egyptian dictator. | 0:35:59 | 0:36:03 | |
The Bush administration had gotten to a point where relations | 0:36:04 | 0:36:07 | |
with Egypt were very, very uh, frosty. | 0:36:07 | 0:36:12 | |
And we concluded that we needed to engage the Egyptian government | 0:36:12 | 0:36:17 | |
much more broadly to be able to advance any of the values | 0:36:17 | 0:36:21 | |
that we held, and that the Bush administration held. | 0:36:21 | 0:36:25 | |
I really consider President and Mrs Mubarak | 0:36:25 | 0:36:28 | |
to be friends of my family and so I hope to see him | 0:36:28 | 0:36:33 | |
often here in Egypt and in the United States. | 0:36:33 | 0:36:35 | |
The cables reflect this new stance. | 0:36:37 | 0:36:39 | |
"President Mubarak understands that the Administration wants to | 0:36:44 | 0:36:47 | |
"restore the sense of warmth that has traditionally characterised | 0:36:47 | 0:36:50 | |
"the US-Egyptian partnership." | 0:36:50 | 0:36:52 | |
President Obama's strategy may have been influenced | 0:36:58 | 0:37:01 | |
by a massive miscalculation by US diplomats in Cairo. | 0:37:01 | 0:37:04 | |
A mistake we only know about because of the cables. | 0:37:04 | 0:37:07 | |
"There will be no 'Orange Revolution on the Nile' | 0:37:12 | 0:37:15 | |
"on Mubarak's watch." | 0:37:15 | 0:37:16 | |
For years, the thrust of advice coming from America's diplomats in Cairo | 0:37:19 | 0:37:24 | |
was that there was no chance the Mubarak regime would be toppled. | 0:37:24 | 0:37:27 | |
If you look at the Arab world, nothing it seemed ever changed, | 0:37:27 | 0:37:32 | |
there was no regime change except when the Americans invaded, as in Iraq. | 0:37:32 | 0:37:37 | |
Kings were not overthrown. Fake presidents were not overthrown. | 0:37:37 | 0:37:40 | |
It looked as if things were, uh, had been stable for decades | 0:37:40 | 0:37:44 | |
and were going to remain, uh, stable. | 0:37:44 | 0:37:46 | |
But we can see in the cables that the Americans were warned | 0:37:50 | 0:37:53 | |
that Mubarak's regime was under threat. | 0:37:53 | 0:37:56 | |
A prominent opposition activist, Ahmed Salah, | 0:37:57 | 0:38:00 | |
told them of plans to make 2011 the year of change. | 0:38:00 | 0:38:05 | |
He met with US embassy officials | 0:38:05 | 0:38:07 | |
and the details were wired back to Washington. | 0:38:07 | 0:38:10 | |
"Salah claimed that several opposition forces have agreed | 0:38:13 | 0:38:16 | |
"to support an unwritten plan for a transition to a parliamentary democracy, | 0:38:16 | 0:38:21 | |
"involving a weakened presidency before the scheduled 2011 presidential elections." | 0:38:21 | 0:38:26 | |
I was telling them | 0:38:28 | 0:38:29 | |
that we are trying, we are planning | 0:38:29 | 0:38:32 | |
and we are going to do a revolution | 0:38:32 | 0:38:37 | |
and if non-violence fails | 0:38:37 | 0:38:39 | |
there is only one alternative left, which is violence. | 0:38:39 | 0:38:43 | |
You were flagging up to the Americans that change was coming. | 0:38:43 | 0:38:47 | |
Of course. I wasn't sure that Mubarak was going to go | 0:38:47 | 0:38:50 | |
but I was sure that we will try, we will launch... | 0:38:50 | 0:38:53 | |
we will be attempting to launch a revolution in 2011. | 0:38:53 | 0:38:57 | |
In fact, the cables show the Americans were out of touch | 0:38:59 | 0:39:03 | |
here in Egypt. | 0:39:03 | 0:39:04 | |
The information gathering process - that was working. | 0:39:04 | 0:39:07 | |
What was failing was the interpretation. | 0:39:07 | 0:39:10 | |
After the meeting with Salah, | 0:39:10 | 0:39:12 | |
this is what the US ambassador in Cairo cabled to Washington. | 0:39:12 | 0:39:17 | |
"The stated goal of replacing the current regime with a parliamentary democracy | 0:39:18 | 0:39:22 | |
"prior to the 2011 presidential elections is highly unrealistic." | 0:39:22 | 0:39:26 | |
The events that happened here in Tahrir Square, | 0:39:31 | 0:39:34 | |
the Americans just didn't see coming. | 0:39:34 | 0:39:37 | |
They couldn't imagine that the Egyptian people could rise up against the dictator. | 0:39:37 | 0:39:43 | |
But rise up they did. | 0:39:45 | 0:39:47 | |
This is a bad regime! | 0:39:47 | 0:39:49 | |
Inspired by the example of Tunisia, in January and February 2011, | 0:40:06 | 0:40:11 | |
protests fled across Egypt against the Mubarak dictatorship. | 0:40:11 | 0:40:17 | |
On the day the protest began, | 0:40:18 | 0:40:19 | |
this is what Hillary Clinton had to say, | 0:40:19 | 0:40:22 | |
still seeing Mubarak as the future. | 0:40:22 | 0:40:25 | |
Our assessment is that | 0:40:26 | 0:40:27 | |
the Egyptian government is stable | 0:40:27 | 0:40:31 | |
and is looking for ways to respond | 0:40:31 | 0:40:35 | |
to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian people. | 0:40:35 | 0:40:40 | |
But within a month, Mubarak was gone. | 0:40:41 | 0:40:45 | |
Congratulations for all my people. Congratulations! | 0:40:45 | 0:40:51 | |
When Hillary Clinton visited Tahrir Square, | 0:40:59 | 0:41:02 | |
some of the democracy activists refused to meet her. | 0:41:02 | 0:41:06 | |
Whatever America's ambitions for bringing democracy to Egypt, | 0:41:29 | 0:41:32 | |
the US has thrown its lot in with a dictator. | 0:41:32 | 0:41:37 | |
When he was thrown out, | 0:41:37 | 0:41:38 | |
for many in Egypt, America had put itself on the wrong side of history. | 0:41:38 | 0:41:44 | |
Failed efforts to spread democracy | 0:41:53 | 0:41:55 | |
and cosy alliances with dictators are recurring themes in the cables. | 0:41:55 | 0:41:59 | |
There are times though when the US position approaches hypocrisy. | 0:42:02 | 0:42:07 | |
Competing pressures make them say one thing but do another. | 0:42:07 | 0:42:12 | |
We can see this tension in the place where the cable leak | 0:42:15 | 0:42:18 | |
helped cause revolution - Tunisia. | 0:42:18 | 0:42:22 | |
The cables show that for years before the revolution, | 0:42:24 | 0:42:27 | |
US diplomats were telling the regime in Tunis it needed to change. | 0:42:27 | 0:42:32 | |
The cables make it quite clear. | 0:42:34 | 0:42:36 | |
American diplomats here in Tunisia | 0:42:36 | 0:42:38 | |
were not only interested in the corruption of the Ben Ali regime. | 0:42:38 | 0:42:43 | |
They were also actively raising the issue of reform. | 0:42:43 | 0:42:47 | |
"Our message to Ben Ali should be that | 0:42:49 | 0:42:51 | |
"while we do not seek regime change, | 0:42:51 | 0:42:53 | |
"we expect real transition to democracy." | 0:42:53 | 0:42:56 | |
And yet in spite of these efforts, many in Tunisia are not | 0:43:04 | 0:43:08 | |
convinced that the Americans paid any more than lip service to reform. | 0:43:08 | 0:43:13 | |
In fact, the cables reveal a kind of moral ambivalence in US diplomacy. | 0:43:35 | 0:43:40 | |
America wanted reform in Tunisia, but it also wanted other things too. | 0:43:42 | 0:43:47 | |
Back in 2006, its diplomats were preaching freedom in Tunisia, | 0:43:47 | 0:43:53 | |
but privately US ideals coming under strain. | 0:43:53 | 0:43:57 | |
This is Guantanamo Bay, | 0:43:59 | 0:44:01 | |
a symbol of America's controversial war on terror. | 0:44:01 | 0:44:04 | |
For years, America had been seizing | 0:44:07 | 0:44:09 | |
hundreds of foreign terror suspects and transferring them here. | 0:44:09 | 0:44:13 | |
But in 2006, President Bush announced | 0:44:15 | 0:44:18 | |
he wanted to close Guantanamo. | 0:44:18 | 0:44:21 | |
The problem now for the US was what to do with the detainees. | 0:44:21 | 0:44:25 | |
Their solution was to try and send them back to their home countries. | 0:44:26 | 0:44:31 | |
Our goal was to close Guantanamo so as to reduce the size of the problem. | 0:44:31 | 0:44:36 | |
So there was a policy | 0:44:36 | 0:44:37 | |
of trying to repatriate these detainees | 0:44:37 | 0:44:40 | |
where there wasn't some kind of judicial or other action | 0:44:40 | 0:44:44 | |
we could take against them and where we thought that we weren't running | 0:44:44 | 0:44:49 | |
an undue risk by sending them back. | 0:44:49 | 0:44:52 | |
Of 355 detainees in Guantanamo Bay, 12 were Tunisian. | 0:44:53 | 0:45:00 | |
But the cables show US diplomats in Tunis had concerns | 0:45:00 | 0:45:03 | |
about sending them back to Tunisia. | 0:45:03 | 0:45:06 | |
"The embassy believes there is a significant likelihood | 0:45:10 | 0:45:14 | |
"i.e. more likely than not, that the detainees would be mistreated | 0:45:14 | 0:45:17 | |
"during the period they are in Ministry Of Interior custody." | 0:45:17 | 0:45:20 | |
We had both the concern about how to deal with detainees | 0:45:23 | 0:45:26 | |
and where they would end up, you know, where they would be sent | 0:45:26 | 0:45:31 | |
and the issue of how they would be treated and their human rights. | 0:45:31 | 0:45:34 | |
Concerns about human rights had meant some detainees | 0:45:38 | 0:45:41 | |
were not repatriated to their home countries. | 0:45:41 | 0:45:44 | |
So what about Tunisia? | 0:45:45 | 0:45:47 | |
The cables show that US diplomats obtained limited assurances | 0:45:49 | 0:45:53 | |
from the Tunisian government about how the detainees would be treated. | 0:45:53 | 0:45:59 | |
But US diplomats still had serious concerns. | 0:45:59 | 0:46:01 | |
"We cannot exclude the possibility, | 0:46:05 | 0:46:07 | |
"given the track record of the Ministry Of Interior, | 0:46:07 | 0:46:10 | |
"that the detainees would be tortured upon their return to Tunisia." | 0:46:10 | 0:46:13 | |
The cables suggest that the assurances the US wanted | 0:46:18 | 0:46:21 | |
never arrived and yet in June 2007, | 0:46:21 | 0:46:25 | |
two detainees were handed over to the Tunisian authorities. | 0:46:25 | 0:46:29 | |
It's claimed as soon as the two detainees arrived in Tunisia | 0:46:32 | 0:46:35 | |
they were mistreated. | 0:46:35 | 0:46:37 | |
Abdallah Hajji is interrogated, he's threatened, he's slapped around, | 0:46:37 | 0:46:42 | |
they threaten to rape his wife. | 0:46:42 | 0:46:44 | |
They make him sign a statement he's not allowed to read and that's it. | 0:46:44 | 0:46:47 | |
Then he's transferred to prison and held in solitary confinement. | 0:46:47 | 0:46:50 | |
The concerns expressed in the cables had materialised. | 0:46:52 | 0:46:55 | |
Slapping around, threats of torture or threats to rape your wife | 0:46:57 | 0:47:02 | |
constitute torture under the international definition. | 0:47:02 | 0:47:04 | |
Sleep deprivation, certainly the accumulation of all these things | 0:47:04 | 0:47:08 | |
used against one person amount to torture, | 0:47:08 | 0:47:11 | |
or inhumane treatment at the very least. | 0:47:11 | 0:47:14 | |
We asked the State Department about the case. They refused to comment. | 0:47:19 | 0:47:24 | |
But the conclusion seems clear. | 0:47:24 | 0:47:26 | |
America's strategic interests had collided with its ideals | 0:47:26 | 0:47:30 | |
and it was the ideals that gave way. | 0:47:30 | 0:47:33 | |
On the one hand they wanted the regime in Tunisia | 0:47:34 | 0:47:37 | |
to make more progress on human rights, | 0:47:37 | 0:47:40 | |
to be more presentable as an ally. | 0:47:40 | 0:47:43 | |
On the other hand, they wanted security cooperation and in this case | 0:47:43 | 0:47:47 | |
the security angle trumped the human rights angle clearly. | 0:47:47 | 0:47:53 | |
This may be the real story of the cables. | 0:47:59 | 0:48:01 | |
A superpower on a global mission to spread democracy and freedom, | 0:48:01 | 0:48:06 | |
but struggling to live up to its own ideals. | 0:48:06 | 0:48:09 | |
Guantanamo Bay highlighted this tension | 0:48:11 | 0:48:14 | |
but, for US diplomats, | 0:48:14 | 0:48:16 | |
America's controversial war on terror brought yet other challenges. | 0:48:16 | 0:48:20 | |
The cables reveal how they deal | 0:48:22 | 0:48:24 | |
with the worst allegations against their government. | 0:48:24 | 0:48:28 | |
The cables shed new light on some of the darkest secrets | 0:48:28 | 0:48:31 | |
of US foreign policy and not just in Tunisia. | 0:48:31 | 0:48:34 | |
After 9/11, the Americans were using tough new measures. | 0:48:36 | 0:48:41 | |
They were seizing terror suspects off the street and shifting them | 0:48:41 | 0:48:45 | |
to interrogation centres in secret, foreign locations. | 0:48:45 | 0:48:49 | |
It was called rendition. | 0:48:49 | 0:48:51 | |
We live in the real world. | 0:48:51 | 0:48:53 | |
We had certain tools that were offered to us by our government | 0:48:53 | 0:48:56 | |
that the Attorney General said was lawful | 0:48:56 | 0:48:58 | |
and it was our responsibility - | 0:48:58 | 0:49:00 | |
the American Intelligence Service, the American Armed Forces - | 0:49:00 | 0:49:04 | |
to carry out these directions to the best of our ability. | 0:49:04 | 0:49:07 | |
This is Khaled El-Masri, he's a German national. | 0:49:16 | 0:49:20 | |
He says he was seized in Macedonia | 0:49:22 | 0:49:23 | |
and flown to a secret prison in Afghanistan. | 0:49:23 | 0:49:27 | |
He claims his captors were the CIA. | 0:49:28 | 0:49:32 | |
He says he was beaten and held for four months before being released. | 0:49:46 | 0:49:51 | |
When we approached them, neither the CIA nor the State Department | 0:49:54 | 0:49:58 | |
would talk about the case. | 0:49:58 | 0:49:59 | |
But buried in the cables are the secret reports | 0:50:01 | 0:50:03 | |
of what the Americans were telling the Germans in private. | 0:50:03 | 0:50:06 | |
"It was a mistake to take Al Masri." | 0:50:10 | 0:50:12 | |
In 2007, German prosecutors identified 13 suspected CIA operatives | 0:50:17 | 0:50:23 | |
understood to be involved in El-Masri's abduction. | 0:50:23 | 0:50:27 | |
They wanted to issue international arrest warrants, | 0:50:27 | 0:50:31 | |
which is when US diplomats stepped in. | 0:50:31 | 0:50:34 | |
"Global affairs counsellor underscored the serious negative implications | 0:50:37 | 0:50:41 | |
"of a German decision to issue international arrest warrants | 0:50:41 | 0:50:44 | |
"in the al-Masri case." | 0:50:44 | 0:50:45 | |
"The Deputy Chief of Mission emphasised that | 0:50:49 | 0:50:52 | |
"issuance of international arrest warrants would have a negative impact | 0:50:52 | 0:50:55 | |
"on our bilateral relationship." | 0:50:55 | 0:50:57 | |
The message was clear - | 0:51:01 | 0:51:03 | |
whatever crimes the CIA might have committed, | 0:51:03 | 0:51:06 | |
the Germans should back off. | 0:51:06 | 0:51:08 | |
If they didn't, relations between the two countries would be harmed. | 0:51:08 | 0:51:13 | |
This is the dark side of diplomacy. | 0:51:13 | 0:51:16 | |
Shocking to us perhaps but not for those who move in this world. | 0:51:16 | 0:51:20 | |
John Negroponte was number two at the State Department from 2007-2009. | 0:51:21 | 0:51:27 | |
We put the El-Masri cables to him. | 0:51:27 | 0:51:31 | |
He says American diplomats did nothing wrong. | 0:51:31 | 0:51:34 | |
It's a political statement. Governments undertake certain obligations | 0:51:34 | 0:51:38 | |
to protect their own employees. | 0:51:38 | 0:51:41 | |
And so, to me, I think of it as an example of us standing by our people, | 0:51:41 | 0:51:47 | |
rather than threatening another country. | 0:51:47 | 0:51:49 | |
But what does the man who signed the cable think? | 0:51:50 | 0:51:54 | |
We tracked him down and he agreed to talk to us. | 0:51:54 | 0:51:57 | |
We didn't put pressure, | 0:51:57 | 0:51:58 | |
we communicated the feelings of the US government | 0:51:58 | 0:52:02 | |
and that's normal. | 0:52:02 | 0:52:04 | |
The job of the United States government is to represent American citizens. | 0:52:05 | 0:52:11 | |
I believe that the appropriate steps and actions were taken | 0:52:11 | 0:52:15 | |
and I believe that it would have been ill-advised for Germans | 0:52:15 | 0:52:21 | |
to prosecute the Americans. | 0:52:21 | 0:52:24 | |
But outside of the American government, | 0:52:26 | 0:52:28 | |
things looked very different. | 0:52:28 | 0:52:30 | |
For many, the El-Masri cables reveal a dark truth about US diplomacy. | 0:52:30 | 0:52:35 | |
When key American interests are at stake, justice counts for little. | 0:52:35 | 0:52:41 | |
It's a complete outrage. | 0:52:43 | 0:52:45 | |
It is dangerously close to what would be called | 0:52:45 | 0:52:49 | |
obstruction of justice in the United States. | 0:52:49 | 0:52:52 | |
You are talking about a pending criminal proceeding | 0:52:52 | 0:52:55 | |
and you are seeing US diplomats stepping in to attempt | 0:52:55 | 0:53:00 | |
to obstruct the course of the criminal investigation through political means. | 0:53:00 | 0:53:07 | |
And this was not an isolated case. | 0:53:09 | 0:53:11 | |
We had an instant like that in Italy, allegedly involved | 0:53:13 | 0:53:18 | |
some American intelligence people, and we went to considerable lengths | 0:53:18 | 0:53:23 | |
to try to discourage legal action against those people. | 0:53:23 | 0:53:27 | |
That was an understatement. | 0:53:28 | 0:53:30 | |
The cables reveal the aggression of US messages even to allies. | 0:53:30 | 0:53:35 | |
"The ambassador explained to the Italian undersecretary that | 0:53:37 | 0:53:41 | |
"nothing the damage relations faster or more seriously | 0:53:41 | 0:53:44 | |
"than a decision by the government of Italy to forward warrants | 0:53:44 | 0:53:47 | |
"for arrests of the alleged CIA agents | 0:53:47 | 0:53:50 | |
"named in connection with the Abu Omar case." | 0:53:50 | 0:53:52 | |
We have a government running around saying the rule of law | 0:53:56 | 0:54:00 | |
is our banner and that is what we seek to promote in the world. | 0:54:00 | 0:54:03 | |
In fact, we're seeing some of the same diplomats who run around | 0:54:03 | 0:54:07 | |
with that message working overtime | 0:54:07 | 0:54:10 | |
and working very aggressively to try and suppress the rule of law. | 0:54:10 | 0:54:14 | |
So what are we to conclude about the world's greatest superpower from the cables? | 0:54:18 | 0:54:22 | |
For America's most senior officials, | 0:54:22 | 0:54:25 | |
the real revelation of the cables is America's integrity. | 0:54:25 | 0:54:30 | |
I think if there's a big surprise out of all of the WikiLeaks documents, | 0:54:30 | 0:54:35 | |
it is how few inconsistencies there are between what we were doing | 0:54:35 | 0:54:40 | |
and saying privately and what we were doing and saying publicly. | 0:54:40 | 0:54:44 | |
Many of my friends, particularly in Europe, have the view | 0:54:46 | 0:54:49 | |
that the United States never means what it says | 0:54:49 | 0:54:51 | |
and in that context, a lot of these cables show that diplomats | 0:54:51 | 0:54:56 | |
really are working behind the scenes to push governments | 0:54:56 | 0:55:00 | |
either on behalf of individual political prisoners, | 0:55:00 | 0:55:03 | |
or pushing them towards socio-political reform, | 0:55:03 | 0:55:06 | |
or simply being very honest back home in a way that maybe they don't expect. | 0:55:06 | 0:55:11 | |
But as we have seen, | 0:55:12 | 0:55:14 | |
the real story of the cables is much more complicated. | 0:55:14 | 0:55:18 | |
America may want to make the world a better place, but this sits | 0:55:18 | 0:55:22 | |
uneasily with America's unsavoury alliances and narrow self-interest. | 0:55:22 | 0:55:26 | |
The cables show that when it comes down to it, all too often, | 0:55:27 | 0:55:31 | |
it's the ideals that give way. | 0:55:31 | 0:55:33 | |
We see a struggle between the world of the CIA | 0:55:34 | 0:55:38 | |
and this counterterrorism effort | 0:55:38 | 0:55:41 | |
versus the sort of general diplomatic mission, | 0:55:41 | 0:55:44 | |
the mission of promoting democracy and the rule of law | 0:55:44 | 0:55:47 | |
and what we see is there is no reconciling these two things. | 0:55:47 | 0:55:51 | |
They're starkly at odds. | 0:55:51 | 0:55:52 | |
Now over a year has passed since the cables were released. | 0:55:52 | 0:55:57 | |
Bradley Manning, the man accused of stealing the files, | 0:55:57 | 0:56:00 | |
is facing a court martial. | 0:56:00 | 0:56:01 | |
Julian Assange, the man behind the WikiLeaks website, | 0:56:03 | 0:56:06 | |
is fighting efforts to get him | 0:56:06 | 0:56:08 | |
to face sexual assaults allegations in Sweden. | 0:56:08 | 0:56:10 | |
But what effect has the leaking of the cables had on US diplomacy? | 0:56:16 | 0:56:20 | |
Has it changed the way US diplomats do business? | 0:56:20 | 0:56:24 | |
Those on the inside say the damage is real. | 0:56:24 | 0:56:29 | |
I found in my travels, for example, in the Middle East, | 0:56:30 | 0:56:34 | |
whenever there was a big meeting and note takers, | 0:56:34 | 0:56:38 | |
the other side would just speak in platitudes. | 0:56:38 | 0:56:42 | |
The only time I could get real candour, | 0:56:42 | 0:56:44 | |
have a real conversation, | 0:56:44 | 0:56:46 | |
was when I was meeting with a foreign leader privately, one on one. | 0:56:46 | 0:56:51 | |
-This is a direct consequence? -Absolutely. | 0:56:51 | 0:56:54 | |
They do not trust you any more? | 0:56:54 | 0:56:56 | |
It will... Many of them don't | 0:56:56 | 0:56:58 | |
and it will take a long time to recover that trust. | 0:56:58 | 0:57:03 | |
There is going to be a reduction in the willingness of people to talk to American diplomats | 0:57:08 | 0:57:13 | |
because again we've proven that we don't have the ability | 0:57:13 | 0:57:16 | |
to protect the confidentiality of the communication. | 0:57:16 | 0:57:20 | |
And in the world of intelligence, they foresee other changes. | 0:57:21 | 0:57:25 | |
If information and trust are lost, | 0:57:25 | 0:57:28 | |
espionage and spies will have to fill the gap. | 0:57:28 | 0:57:31 | |
Everybody who has used this information | 0:57:34 | 0:57:36 | |
will have less to work with. | 0:57:36 | 0:57:40 | |
That will mean the need for greater reliance | 0:57:40 | 0:57:44 | |
on some of these things on clandestine collection. | 0:57:44 | 0:57:48 | |
The US government claims it's tightened up the way it shares | 0:57:48 | 0:57:52 | |
its confidential information, | 0:57:52 | 0:57:54 | |
but can the secrets of the superpower ever really be safe again? | 0:57:54 | 0:57:58 | |
Trust and faith in the confidentiality | 0:57:59 | 0:58:02 | |
of American diplomacy has been severely dented. | 0:58:02 | 0:58:07 | |
It has reinforced for everybody who was already cautious | 0:58:09 | 0:58:11 | |
about America's ability to keep secrets and for those | 0:58:11 | 0:58:16 | |
who had not been burnt before, they've sure been burnt now. | 0:58:16 | 0:58:20 | |
As American diplomats continue to deal with | 0:58:26 | 0:58:28 | |
the impact of the cables, other political challenges loom. | 0:58:28 | 0:58:32 | |
In a century that could see the decline of American power, | 0:58:35 | 0:58:38 | |
her enemies and rivals are becoming more defiant. | 0:58:38 | 0:58:41 | |
Next week, we look at US fears, what the cables tell us about | 0:58:46 | 0:58:50 | |
a new Cold War, a rogue Chinese army | 0:58:50 | 0:58:54 | |
and how to stop the Iranian bomb. | 0:58:54 | 0:58:56 | |
Subtitles by Red Bee Media Ltd | 0:59:19 | 0:59:22 |