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In 1911, young American explorer Hiram Bingham | 0:00:07 | 0:00:11 | |
arrived in Peru's Sacred Valley. | 0:00:11 | 0:00:13 | |
Bingham was looking for a fabled lost city, | 0:00:16 | 0:00:19 | |
the last redoubt of the Inca | 0:00:19 | 0:00:21 | |
in their doomed battle against the Spanish. | 0:00:21 | 0:00:23 | |
He met a local farmer, | 0:00:25 | 0:00:26 | |
who said he knew of a place which might interest the American... | 0:00:26 | 0:00:30 | |
..a place overgrown and all but forgotten. | 0:00:31 | 0:00:34 | |
What Bingham saw astonished him. | 0:00:38 | 0:00:41 | |
Peeking through centuries of vegetation | 0:00:42 | 0:00:45 | |
were dozens of granite buildings. | 0:00:45 | 0:00:47 | |
Vast terraces were cut into the mountainside, | 0:00:47 | 0:00:51 | |
criss-crossed by hundreds of steep, stone steps. | 0:00:51 | 0:00:54 | |
The effect on the young explorer was dazzling... | 0:00:59 | 0:01:02 | |
like a dream. | 0:01:02 | 0:01:04 | |
When Bingham arrived here at Machu Picchu, | 0:01:08 | 0:01:11 | |
he thought he had discovered the Lost City of the Inca, | 0:01:11 | 0:01:14 | |
a place so secret, it had remained hidden as Europeans overran | 0:01:14 | 0:01:18 | |
the entire continent of South America. | 0:01:18 | 0:01:21 | |
For Bingham, this site was the Holy Grail, | 0:01:21 | 0:01:23 | |
the key to unlocking the mysteries of the Inca, | 0:01:23 | 0:01:26 | |
the largest pre-Columbian empire in the Americas. | 0:01:26 | 0:01:30 | |
But Machu Picchu provides only a glimpse of an incredible empire. | 0:01:33 | 0:01:38 | |
It's only one part of a remarkable tale. | 0:01:40 | 0:01:43 | |
This is the story of a people who, 600 years ago, built an empire | 0:01:45 | 0:01:50 | |
that stretched from barren coastal desert to lush tropical jungle, | 0:01:50 | 0:01:55 | |
from the edge of the Pacific Ocean | 0:01:55 | 0:01:57 | |
to the high plains of Chile and Argentina. | 0:01:57 | 0:02:00 | |
It's a story of wealth, power, innovation and bloodshed, | 0:02:00 | 0:02:05 | |
all happening in some of the toughest landscapes on the planet. | 0:02:05 | 0:02:08 | |
Fundamentally, this is the story of an empire unlike any other, | 0:02:10 | 0:02:14 | |
one with a completely different worldview to the Europeans | 0:02:14 | 0:02:17 | |
who come to conquer it. | 0:02:17 | 0:02:19 | |
And it's that different way of seeing the world, | 0:02:19 | 0:02:22 | |
of gaining and holding power over so many people, | 0:02:22 | 0:02:25 | |
that make the Inca absolutely fascinating. | 0:02:25 | 0:02:28 | |
The question I want to answer is, | 0:02:32 | 0:02:34 | |
how did they do it? | 0:02:34 | 0:02:36 | |
There are very good reasons why the Inca have long fascinated us. | 0:02:53 | 0:02:57 | |
Their empire was the biggest in the Americas | 0:02:58 | 0:03:01 | |
before the arrival of Europeans. | 0:03:01 | 0:03:03 | |
At its height in the 15th century, | 0:03:03 | 0:03:05 | |
over ten million people were under their rule. | 0:03:05 | 0:03:08 | |
Their vast kingdom was connected by a sophisticated road network, | 0:03:11 | 0:03:16 | |
stretching for thousands of kilometres. | 0:03:16 | 0:03:19 | |
But most remarkable of all | 0:03:19 | 0:03:21 | |
is the apparent speed of their rise to power. | 0:03:21 | 0:03:24 | |
In the 14th century, the Inca were one of many independent peoples | 0:03:24 | 0:03:29 | |
who lived high in the Andes. | 0:03:29 | 0:03:31 | |
Yet they emerged from their Cuzco stronghold and, | 0:03:31 | 0:03:34 | |
seemingly in the space of just 150 years, | 0:03:34 | 0:03:37 | |
built a vast multiethnic empire which spanned a continent, | 0:03:37 | 0:03:43 | |
from the Pacific to the Amazon, incorporating huge swathes | 0:03:43 | 0:03:46 | |
of the modern=day countries of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, | 0:03:46 | 0:03:50 | |
Chile and Argentina. | 0:03:50 | 0:03:51 | |
For many years, our understanding of the Inca has been dominated | 0:03:59 | 0:04:02 | |
by the chronicles written by the Spanish conquistadors. | 0:04:02 | 0:04:06 | |
But these chronicles are written often with a very specific agenda in mind... | 0:04:06 | 0:04:09 | |
to justify the Spanish Conquest. | 0:04:09 | 0:04:11 | |
The Spanish came across an empire | 0:04:13 | 0:04:15 | |
which they had no frame of reference for... | 0:04:15 | 0:04:18 | |
effectively a Neolithic Empire run without the pen or the sword. | 0:04:18 | 0:04:22 | |
No writing, no wheel, | 0:04:22 | 0:04:24 | |
no animal which could carry a human, | 0:04:24 | 0:04:27 | |
no markets, no currency. | 0:04:27 | 0:04:30 | |
So a whole, peculiar, complex society in European eyes. | 0:04:30 | 0:04:34 | |
I think it's time to question whether we need to re-evaluate | 0:04:35 | 0:04:38 | |
the Inca rise to power. | 0:04:38 | 0:04:41 | |
Perhaps early historical records have been misleading. | 0:04:41 | 0:04:45 | |
Is there a different, far more intriguing, story to be told | 0:04:45 | 0:04:48 | |
about the emergence of the Inca Empire? | 0:04:48 | 0:04:51 | |
The most important thing to bear in mind is that this wasn't an empire | 0:04:53 | 0:04:56 | |
like the British Empire or the Roman Empire, | 0:04:56 | 0:04:59 | |
where histories were carefully written down | 0:04:59 | 0:05:01 | |
and power came in the form of a dozen legions | 0:05:01 | 0:05:04 | |
or the barrel of a gun. | 0:05:04 | 0:05:05 | |
This was a non-Western empire | 0:05:05 | 0:05:07 | |
and that's often made it difficult for westerners to study. | 0:05:07 | 0:05:11 | |
In order to understand the Inca, | 0:05:11 | 0:05:13 | |
you need to get inside the Incan mind, and think like they thought. | 0:05:13 | 0:05:17 | |
And that means getting far away from Machu Picchu. | 0:05:20 | 0:05:24 | |
One of the major differences between the Inca world and our own | 0:05:33 | 0:05:36 | |
is the concept of time. | 0:05:36 | 0:05:39 | |
The Inca thought differently than we do | 0:05:39 | 0:05:41 | |
about the past, present, and future. | 0:05:41 | 0:05:44 | |
And this has significant implications for understanding | 0:05:44 | 0:05:47 | |
all aspects of Inca history, | 0:05:47 | 0:05:49 | |
and not least how long it really took them to build their empire. | 0:05:49 | 0:05:53 | |
The way that we think is so ingrained that it's very hard | 0:05:53 | 0:05:56 | |
to try and change our perspective on things, | 0:05:56 | 0:05:59 | |
but it's something we have to do | 0:05:59 | 0:06:01 | |
if we are to understand the Inca Empire. | 0:06:01 | 0:06:03 | |
We have to get inside the Inca mind. | 0:06:03 | 0:06:05 | |
For us, we have life. | 0:06:05 | 0:06:06 | |
We are born and then we die. | 0:06:06 | 0:06:09 | |
And this is essentially a linear path. | 0:06:09 | 0:06:11 | |
Everything that happens before a moment of our lives | 0:06:11 | 0:06:14 | |
we would call "history" and it happens behind us. | 0:06:14 | 0:06:18 | |
Everything that's going to happen beyond this point in this line, | 0:06:18 | 0:06:21 | |
we would call "the future". | 0:06:21 | 0:06:23 | |
Crucially, therefore, | 0:06:24 | 0:06:25 | |
everything that we understand about our ancestors | 0:06:25 | 0:06:28 | |
and the world that has gone before | 0:06:28 | 0:06:30 | |
creates and affects our lives along this line. | 0:06:30 | 0:06:32 | |
And everything that we do in our own life will affect the future | 0:06:32 | 0:06:36 | |
and this is a linear concept of time. | 0:06:36 | 0:06:38 | |
That is completely different to how the Inca understood time. | 0:06:38 | 0:06:41 | |
So for the Inca, start with the first line, | 0:06:41 | 0:06:44 | |
which they might call Kay Pacha. | 0:06:44 | 0:06:47 | |
Kay Pacha is essentially a lifeline. | 0:06:47 | 0:06:49 | |
But there are two parallel lines, Hanan Pacha and Uku Pacha, | 0:06:49 | 0:06:53 | |
which is the past and the future. | 0:06:53 | 0:06:56 | |
And these lines run in parallel | 0:06:56 | 0:06:58 | |
because they can happen at the same time. | 0:06:58 | 0:07:00 | |
So at any particular moment of life on this line, | 0:07:00 | 0:07:04 | |
they can transect between the past and the future. | 0:07:04 | 0:07:08 | |
And this point here is a particular moment of experience | 0:07:08 | 0:07:12 | |
in the present which is affected directly by the past or the future. | 0:07:12 | 0:07:16 | |
We get a sense that there were multiple histories, | 0:07:18 | 0:07:20 | |
there were multiple pasts | 0:07:20 | 0:07:22 | |
and there were multiple references | 0:07:22 | 0:07:23 | |
to different things that different ancestors had done | 0:07:23 | 0:07:26 | |
depending on who was telling the story. | 0:07:26 | 0:07:28 | |
So, because of this, it becomes very difficult to determine exactly | 0:07:28 | 0:07:31 | |
what was the historical sequence of the development of the Inca Empire | 0:07:31 | 0:07:36 | |
in a way that would make sense to us as a nice European chronicle. | 0:07:36 | 0:07:40 | |
The Inca don't talk the same language of time as we do | 0:07:41 | 0:07:45 | |
and so we need to think about the chronology | 0:07:45 | 0:07:47 | |
of their history quite differently. | 0:07:47 | 0:07:50 | |
By understanding this, we can begin to unravel the true story | 0:07:50 | 0:07:54 | |
of the rise of the Inca Empire. | 0:07:54 | 0:07:57 | |
If you contrast the historical information | 0:07:57 | 0:07:59 | |
to the archaeological information, we get a very different picture. | 0:07:59 | 0:08:03 | |
Studies of the emergence of the Incas as a power | 0:08:03 | 0:08:06 | |
over neighbouring societies surrounding Cuzco | 0:08:06 | 0:08:09 | |
show that they were probably a pretty potent society, | 0:08:09 | 0:08:12 | |
perhaps even a state, as early as almost 100 years before | 0:08:12 | 0:08:16 | |
their emergence as a ruling empire. | 0:08:16 | 0:08:19 | |
This means the origins of the Inca date back much further | 0:08:23 | 0:08:26 | |
than we originally thought. | 0:08:26 | 0:08:29 | |
I think it also means that when they started to build their empire, | 0:08:29 | 0:08:32 | |
the Inca built upon the achievements of people who went before. | 0:08:32 | 0:08:36 | |
A few hours' drive south of Cuzco, | 0:08:48 | 0:08:49 | |
there are the remains of a long-forgotten settlement... | 0:08:49 | 0:08:53 | |
..remnants of buildings and streets | 0:08:58 | 0:09:00 | |
which stretch over nearly two square kilometres. | 0:09:00 | 0:09:03 | |
But these ruins aren't Inca. | 0:09:05 | 0:09:08 | |
They were built by a people who rose and fell | 0:09:08 | 0:09:11 | |
long before the Inca dominated this region. | 0:09:11 | 0:09:13 | |
These people were called the Wari | 0:09:17 | 0:09:20 | |
and this place was known as Pikillacta | 0:09:20 | 0:09:22 | |
and I believe the Inca learnt a great deal | 0:09:22 | 0:09:25 | |
from what the Wari built here. | 0:09:25 | 0:09:27 | |
Throughout this part of South America, | 0:09:29 | 0:09:32 | |
you can find the remains of cultures stretching back thousands of years. | 0:09:32 | 0:09:36 | |
These past societies had their own world views, belief systems | 0:09:36 | 0:09:39 | |
and ways of living their lives. | 0:09:39 | 0:09:41 | |
And it's understanding the inter-relationships between them | 0:09:41 | 0:09:44 | |
that is important. | 0:09:44 | 0:09:45 | |
No society suddenly appears independently on its own. | 0:09:45 | 0:09:49 | |
But some societies can be so successful | 0:09:49 | 0:09:51 | |
that their influence spreads far and wide. | 0:09:51 | 0:09:54 | |
That was the case with the Wari. | 0:09:54 | 0:09:56 | |
The Wari were the first to unite multiple areas, | 0:10:00 | 0:10:04 | |
from north to south, covering most of modern-day Peru. | 0:10:04 | 0:10:08 | |
Pikillacta was one of the Wari Empire's | 0:10:10 | 0:10:12 | |
most impressive settlements. | 0:10:12 | 0:10:16 | |
It's been estimated that, cumulatively, it would have taken | 0:10:16 | 0:10:19 | |
six million days of back-breaking labour to build it. | 0:10:19 | 0:10:22 | |
This is a vast and beautiful site | 0:10:25 | 0:10:27 | |
and a really important one for the Wari. | 0:10:27 | 0:10:29 | |
But it's when you walk around | 0:10:29 | 0:10:31 | |
that you get a sense of experience of the place, | 0:10:31 | 0:10:33 | |
because they had these incredibly long corridors | 0:10:33 | 0:10:35 | |
with these dominating high walls. | 0:10:35 | 0:10:38 | |
It must have been quite a disorienting experience. | 0:10:38 | 0:10:40 | |
Perhaps led through one of these doorways, | 0:10:40 | 0:10:44 | |
you enter out into these open spaces or patios | 0:10:44 | 0:10:48 | |
that would have covered in white paint and perhaps murals. | 0:10:48 | 0:10:51 | |
Pikillacta dominated this region | 0:10:55 | 0:10:58 | |
towards the end of the first millennium. | 0:10:58 | 0:11:00 | |
And walking through these ruins today, it seems to me the Wari | 0:11:00 | 0:11:04 | |
laid the foundations of how to build an empire in the Andes. | 0:11:04 | 0:11:07 | |
Many of the ideas of so-called Inca statecraft which we think of | 0:11:18 | 0:11:23 | |
actually had their roots in the Wari. | 0:11:23 | 0:11:27 | |
Not least the road system. | 0:11:27 | 0:11:29 | |
You can't create a road system in the time period | 0:11:29 | 0:11:32 | |
that the Incas were around in. | 0:11:32 | 0:11:35 | |
There was a great expansion of people and ideas at a time | 0:11:35 | 0:11:39 | |
far deeper than the Inca Empire. | 0:11:39 | 0:11:43 | |
Critical to the success of the Wari | 0:11:43 | 0:11:47 | |
was their understanding of this brutal environment | 0:11:47 | 0:11:50 | |
and the innovations they developed to overcome it. | 0:11:50 | 0:11:53 | |
The Wari were masters of landscape transformation. | 0:11:54 | 0:11:57 | |
Canals that brought the water down from the mountain peaks, | 0:11:57 | 0:12:00 | |
where the rains fall, | 0:12:00 | 0:12:02 | |
into the rich agricultural regions where they terraced the landscape | 0:12:02 | 0:12:05 | |
in order to turn the mountainsides into productive agricultural lands. | 0:12:05 | 0:12:10 | |
The ingenious solutions we see at work at Pikillacta are, | 0:12:10 | 0:12:14 | |
I believe, crucial in helping us to understand | 0:12:14 | 0:12:17 | |
not only the success of the Wari, | 0:12:17 | 0:12:19 | |
but also the Inca who came after them. | 0:12:19 | 0:12:21 | |
This aqueduct is part of a 48km-long network of canal systems | 0:12:24 | 0:12:29 | |
taking water from the high mountains right into the heart of the site | 0:12:29 | 0:12:33 | |
of Pikillacta and down to the agricultural terraces below. | 0:12:33 | 0:12:37 | |
This region receives barely enough water | 0:12:37 | 0:12:41 | |
to support large-scale agriculture or settlement. | 0:12:41 | 0:12:44 | |
And in times of drought, this land can become an incredibly difficult | 0:12:44 | 0:12:48 | |
place for humans to thrive. | 0:12:48 | 0:12:50 | |
90% of the rainfall in the Andes falls on the jungle regions. | 0:12:54 | 0:12:58 | |
Only 10% makes it to the western coasts. | 0:12:58 | 0:13:00 | |
Only through increased efficiency in agricultural technologies | 0:13:00 | 0:13:04 | |
and production can humans respond effectively to drought. | 0:13:04 | 0:13:08 | |
That's what the Wari introduced. | 0:13:08 | 0:13:11 | |
The lesson of the Wari is that | 0:13:11 | 0:13:13 | |
before you can build an empire in this part of the world, | 0:13:13 | 0:13:16 | |
you first need to master the landscape itself. | 0:13:16 | 0:13:20 | |
The Wari agrarian technology was a drought adaptive technology. | 0:13:20 | 0:13:23 | |
It was much more efficient in the use of water | 0:13:23 | 0:13:25 | |
than previous systems had been and that gave the Wari an adaptive edge | 0:13:25 | 0:13:29 | |
in bringing their new system to these local groups | 0:13:29 | 0:13:33 | |
that were living in that region at the time. | 0:13:33 | 0:13:35 | |
Interestingly, | 0:13:38 | 0:13:39 | |
the challenges faced by the Wari still affect people here today. | 0:13:39 | 0:13:44 | |
1,000 years later, Peru's climate remains one of the most extreme | 0:13:44 | 0:13:48 | |
and vulnerable in the world. | 0:13:48 | 0:13:50 | |
Most of the rainfall that falls on the Andes | 0:13:59 | 0:14:01 | |
comes from South Atlantic sources, | 0:14:01 | 0:14:03 | |
coming in as part of the monsoonal system across the Amazon | 0:14:03 | 0:14:06 | |
and brought up into the Andes. | 0:14:06 | 0:14:08 | |
Whereas the western side of the Andes and the coast is a desert, | 0:14:08 | 0:14:12 | |
effectively, because the winds that come across the Pacific are dry. | 0:14:12 | 0:14:17 | |
Most of the population of Peru today live on that desert strip. | 0:14:19 | 0:14:23 | |
I've come to the village of Maras, high in the Andes, | 0:14:32 | 0:14:35 | |
where a dry spell has made life tough for local farmers | 0:14:35 | 0:14:38 | |
like Felicitas Torres. | 0:14:38 | 0:14:40 | |
THEY SPEAK SPANISH | 0:14:40 | 0:14:44 | |
Authorities in Maras have responded to the dry spell | 0:15:22 | 0:15:25 | |
by bussing in containers of fresh water from Cuzco. | 0:15:25 | 0:15:29 | |
It has helped, but it's in no way a sustainable solution. | 0:15:29 | 0:15:34 | |
What's happening in Maras today also happened here many centuries ago. | 0:16:20 | 0:16:25 | |
But the Wari did not have the option | 0:16:25 | 0:16:27 | |
to bus in tanks of water to sustain them. | 0:16:27 | 0:16:30 | |
At the end of the first millennium, we know that conditions | 0:16:31 | 0:16:34 | |
were both dry and really quite cold up in the mountains. | 0:16:34 | 0:16:38 | |
And that's the time when the Wari disappeared | 0:16:38 | 0:16:40 | |
from the archaeological record. | 0:16:40 | 0:16:42 | |
The Wari understood their environment, | 0:16:45 | 0:16:48 | |
but a prolonged drought may have proved too much, even for them. | 0:16:48 | 0:16:52 | |
Climate change could have been one of the factors | 0:16:53 | 0:16:57 | |
which put a lot of pressure on the Wari. | 0:16:57 | 0:17:01 | |
Now, the societies knew how to deal with short-term climate change. | 0:17:01 | 0:17:05 | |
They had in place a lot of strategies | 0:17:05 | 0:17:08 | |
that enabled them to cope. | 0:17:08 | 0:17:09 | |
But climate at those altitudes is one of the real pressure points. | 0:17:09 | 0:17:13 | |
However ingenious the Wari solutions were to the challenges they faced, | 0:17:17 | 0:17:22 | |
their power waned. | 0:17:22 | 0:17:24 | |
But there can be little doubt that the Inca built on the knowledge | 0:17:25 | 0:17:29 | |
of what the Wari left behind. | 0:17:29 | 0:17:32 | |
We have people continuing to live in the Cuzco region, | 0:17:32 | 0:17:35 | |
continuing the oral traditions and the historical traditions | 0:17:35 | 0:17:38 | |
of the Wari within the Cuzco region | 0:17:38 | 0:17:40 | |
that the Inca could have picked up upon. | 0:17:40 | 0:17:42 | |
The Inca also had the benefit of the monuments that the Wari had built, | 0:17:42 | 0:17:46 | |
and right in their back yard. | 0:17:46 | 0:17:48 | |
The Wari created a large and powerful state. | 0:17:49 | 0:17:53 | |
They were able to harness the harsh environments | 0:17:53 | 0:17:56 | |
using ingenious large-scale construction projects like this, | 0:17:56 | 0:17:59 | |
technologies often associated with the Inca. | 0:17:59 | 0:18:02 | |
But the reason I like this one is that you can see the original | 0:18:02 | 0:18:05 | |
Wari construction behind, re-used and restored by the Inca | 0:18:05 | 0:18:09 | |
with this lovely stonework at the front. | 0:18:09 | 0:18:11 | |
The Inca are using Wari technology, but the crucial difference is, | 0:18:11 | 0:18:15 | |
they're also up-scaling it. | 0:18:15 | 0:18:17 | |
To see exactly how they did this, I'm heading north, | 0:18:22 | 0:18:25 | |
into the heart of the Cuzco Valley. | 0:18:25 | 0:18:27 | |
This mountainous land is not naturally suited | 0:18:30 | 0:18:33 | |
to large-scale agricultural production. | 0:18:33 | 0:18:35 | |
The challenges presented by the harsh climate are considerable. | 0:18:37 | 0:18:41 | |
But here, the Incas' remarkable ability to problem solve revolutionised agriculture | 0:18:42 | 0:18:47 | |
and played a key role in the expansion of their empire. | 0:18:47 | 0:18:50 | |
This is Moray. | 0:19:01 | 0:19:02 | |
It lies 3,500 metres above sea level | 0:19:02 | 0:19:06 | |
and is one of the most remarkable human landscapes on earth. | 0:19:06 | 0:19:09 | |
Moray consists of three huge limestone depressions, | 0:19:10 | 0:19:14 | |
into which terraces have been carved. | 0:19:14 | 0:19:17 | |
This is the place where Inca skills in engineering | 0:19:17 | 0:19:21 | |
and agriculture combined perfectly. | 0:19:21 | 0:19:23 | |
It's a place which synthesises beauty and technology | 0:19:23 | 0:19:27 | |
and transformed the lives of the Inca and those they would soon rule. | 0:19:27 | 0:19:31 | |
These terraces can be up to three metres in height | 0:19:35 | 0:19:38 | |
and they have this thick retaining wall | 0:19:38 | 0:19:41 | |
which is angled back to hold back the soil behind. | 0:19:41 | 0:19:44 | |
And what's behind is actually really clever. | 0:19:44 | 0:19:47 | |
At the bottom, you have a series of broken stones for drainage. | 0:19:47 | 0:19:50 | |
Above that, a layer of coarse soil, which acts as a bedding, | 0:19:50 | 0:19:53 | |
and then a metre of topsoil, which they continually turn over | 0:19:53 | 0:19:57 | |
to aerate the soil. | 0:19:57 | 0:19:59 | |
And these stone walls absorb the heat of the sun during the day | 0:19:59 | 0:20:02 | |
and that radiates through at night, protecting the crops against frost. | 0:20:02 | 0:20:06 | |
The ingenuity of the terraces lies not just in their ability | 0:20:10 | 0:20:13 | |
to increase the amount of land the Inca could cultivate. | 0:20:13 | 0:20:18 | |
They were a mechanism for manipulating the environment, | 0:20:18 | 0:20:21 | |
altering the ambient temperature of the whole site... | 0:20:21 | 0:20:24 | |
..and making the production of crops at high altitude possible. | 0:20:26 | 0:20:30 | |
Today, the temperature at the top of the terraces | 0:20:33 | 0:20:35 | |
is 16 degrees centigrade. | 0:20:35 | 0:20:37 | |
Down here at the bottom, you have this crucible effect | 0:20:38 | 0:20:42 | |
where the temperature is much warmer, there's no airflow, | 0:20:42 | 0:20:44 | |
and these stone terraces circle round, radiating the heat. | 0:20:44 | 0:20:48 | |
Here, you can see it's over 22 degrees now. | 0:20:48 | 0:20:50 | |
The difference in temperature from the top of this site to the bottom | 0:20:53 | 0:20:57 | |
means that each terrace at Moray represents a different | 0:20:57 | 0:21:00 | |
ecological zone as you move up the side of the Andes. | 0:21:00 | 0:21:03 | |
The implications of this are profound. | 0:21:06 | 0:21:08 | |
It means this was a place where Inca engineers | 0:21:09 | 0:21:12 | |
created their own micro-climates, allowing them to experiment | 0:21:12 | 0:21:16 | |
in cultivating a variety of different crops | 0:21:16 | 0:21:19 | |
which would not normally have been grown at these altitudes. | 0:21:19 | 0:21:22 | |
Tomatoes, squashes, pumpkins, types of tobacco. | 0:21:26 | 0:21:29 | |
That's not so beneficial, perhaps, | 0:21:29 | 0:21:31 | |
but it underlines the point that, although we marvel at | 0:21:31 | 0:21:35 | |
the Zen aesthetic of Machu Picchu and so forth, | 0:21:35 | 0:21:38 | |
really what's much more important, in my view, | 0:21:38 | 0:21:41 | |
is the legacy of their agriculture. | 0:21:41 | 0:21:43 | |
The Incas were essentially reconfiguring the biotic landscape | 0:21:49 | 0:21:54 | |
by changing the terrain, changing the heat | 0:21:54 | 0:21:57 | |
and water retention capacities through their terracing systems, | 0:21:57 | 0:22:00 | |
which developed a series of warm weather estates | 0:22:00 | 0:22:04 | |
in a cold weather climate. | 0:22:04 | 0:22:07 | |
These terraces show how the Inca understood | 0:22:07 | 0:22:09 | |
the advantages of this vertical landscape. | 0:22:09 | 0:22:12 | |
In effect, they farmed upwards. | 0:22:12 | 0:22:14 | |
They managed to turn the harsh contours of the land | 0:22:14 | 0:22:16 | |
to their advantage. | 0:22:16 | 0:22:18 | |
And by growing different crops at different elevations, | 0:22:18 | 0:22:21 | |
it gave them a huge diversity in the crops that they grew. | 0:22:21 | 0:22:24 | |
This had two key advantages. | 0:22:24 | 0:22:26 | |
One, they had a healthier and more diverse diet. | 0:22:26 | 0:22:29 | |
And two, it helped mitigate against the impact in the past | 0:22:29 | 0:22:32 | |
that had created hunger and unrest... | 0:22:32 | 0:22:35 | |
droughts and floods, pests and frost. | 0:22:35 | 0:22:38 | |
This is what I mean when I say the Inca scaled up Wari technology. | 0:22:41 | 0:22:45 | |
Inca agriculture wasn't just about feeding a family, or even a city. | 0:22:45 | 0:22:50 | |
It was about scientifically managing production, | 0:22:50 | 0:22:53 | |
so they could feed an empire. | 0:22:53 | 0:22:55 | |
By creating this food surplus, | 0:22:56 | 0:22:58 | |
it provided time to devote to other things, | 0:22:58 | 0:23:01 | |
like expansion beyond their borders. | 0:23:01 | 0:23:04 | |
It was also a great calling card as they approached other cultures, | 0:23:04 | 0:23:08 | |
because Moray shows that the Inca were problem-solvers | 0:23:08 | 0:23:11 | |
and able to create these very efficient and effective managed landscapes. | 0:23:11 | 0:23:17 | |
And in a region where climate was unpredictable and catastrophic, | 0:23:17 | 0:23:21 | |
where people could often face starvation and hunger, | 0:23:21 | 0:23:24 | |
the ability to provide a reliable, regular and good quality amount | 0:23:24 | 0:23:28 | |
of food was a source of supreme power for the Inca. | 0:23:28 | 0:23:31 | |
But that's only part of the story. | 0:23:34 | 0:23:36 | |
For the Inca state to flourish, they needed not only to grow enough food, | 0:23:36 | 0:23:40 | |
but also to distribute it quickly and efficiently, | 0:23:40 | 0:23:43 | |
which could be a serious problem | 0:23:43 | 0:23:45 | |
when you live in such a challenging landscape as this. | 0:23:45 | 0:23:48 | |
But a few miles north of Moray | 0:23:53 | 0:23:55 | |
is a place which I think might hold the answer. | 0:23:55 | 0:23:58 | |
This is an amazing spot. Below me is the town of Ollantaytambo. | 0:24:09 | 0:24:13 | |
And above it, clinging to the side of the cliff, | 0:24:13 | 0:24:16 | |
is a series of tall buildings. | 0:24:16 | 0:24:19 | |
At first glance, they may not seem like the most impressive thing, | 0:24:19 | 0:24:22 | |
but these structures are critical to the foundations | 0:24:22 | 0:24:25 | |
of the entire Inca Empire. | 0:24:25 | 0:24:26 | |
These are qollqas, storehouses, | 0:24:30 | 0:24:33 | |
and they are iconic buildings found all over the Inca empire. | 0:24:33 | 0:24:37 | |
Sometimes they are by the side of roads, | 0:24:37 | 0:24:39 | |
sometimes near centres of population, | 0:24:39 | 0:24:42 | |
like here, at Ollantaytambo. | 0:24:42 | 0:24:43 | |
These weren't just barns for storing food. | 0:24:46 | 0:24:49 | |
They were sophisticated silos that were critical | 0:24:49 | 0:24:51 | |
to the well-being of the people and the maintenance of power. | 0:24:51 | 0:24:55 | |
In here would be stored everything from maize to potatoes, | 0:24:55 | 0:24:58 | |
textiles to weapons, and vast numbers of seeds | 0:24:58 | 0:25:01 | |
that could be used for next year's planting. | 0:25:01 | 0:25:05 | |
They were often located in strategic places, well ventilated | 0:25:05 | 0:25:09 | |
and not prone to flooding. | 0:25:09 | 0:25:10 | |
The combined storage space of this network would have run | 0:25:18 | 0:25:21 | |
to hundreds of thousands of cubic metres. | 0:25:21 | 0:25:25 | |
That means that people across the Empire could be supplied | 0:25:25 | 0:25:28 | |
with everything they needed, whenever circumstances demanded. | 0:25:28 | 0:25:32 | |
One of the ways that we can understand the scale and order | 0:25:35 | 0:25:38 | |
of the Inca warehousing system | 0:25:38 | 0:25:40 | |
is by looking at the experience of the Spaniards who came in | 0:25:40 | 0:25:43 | |
in 1548 into the upper Mantaro Valley | 0:25:43 | 0:25:46 | |
in the central highlands of Peru. | 0:25:46 | 0:25:48 | |
There were 2,000 of them and they stayed there for multiple weeks | 0:25:48 | 0:25:51 | |
and they said, at the end of that period, | 0:25:51 | 0:25:54 | |
they couldn't recognise that they'd made a dent in the warehouses | 0:25:54 | 0:25:57 | |
and in the contents of the facilities. | 0:25:57 | 0:26:00 | |
These storehouses tell me that the Inca understood the need | 0:26:00 | 0:26:04 | |
to provide food security for the people they ruled. | 0:26:04 | 0:26:07 | |
It's actually quite a modern idea. | 0:26:09 | 0:26:12 | |
In the UK, during the fuel protests of 2000, | 0:26:12 | 0:26:15 | |
supermarket bosses told the government they only had enough fuel | 0:26:15 | 0:26:19 | |
to distribute food to the people for another three days. | 0:26:19 | 0:26:22 | |
After that, they'd start to go hungry. | 0:26:22 | 0:26:25 | |
This focuses the mind on food security, | 0:26:25 | 0:26:28 | |
because it's not just about growing food, it's about its storage | 0:26:28 | 0:26:31 | |
and distribution that is perhaps the most important. | 0:26:31 | 0:26:34 | |
And the Inca understood this. | 0:26:34 | 0:26:36 | |
That's why they created this vast system of storage facilities | 0:26:36 | 0:26:39 | |
and a distribution network that got the food to the people. | 0:26:39 | 0:26:43 | |
And this was important during times of drought | 0:26:43 | 0:26:46 | |
and environmental disaster. | 0:26:46 | 0:26:47 | |
The Inca storehouses, in times of scarcity and in times of drought, | 0:26:53 | 0:26:56 | |
could be used to feed the populaces, to feed the masses, | 0:26:56 | 0:27:00 | |
in order to save them from certain death and destruction. | 0:27:00 | 0:27:04 | |
To the people who did the farming, they were a source of security. | 0:27:04 | 0:27:08 | |
An insurance, if you will, against the bad years, | 0:27:08 | 0:27:11 | |
knowing that the Inca state would be able to provide for them. | 0:27:11 | 0:27:14 | |
But I suspect these storehouses served more than a practical, | 0:27:14 | 0:27:18 | |
administrative function. | 0:27:18 | 0:27:20 | |
The storehouses provided a highly visible symbol of the Inca state | 0:27:20 | 0:27:24 | |
to its people, demonstrating both its reach and its benevolence. | 0:27:24 | 0:27:29 | |
There was a basic level of understanding that the Inca | 0:27:31 | 0:27:35 | |
would care for the poorest members of its society. | 0:27:35 | 0:27:38 | |
It was a basic social contract, if you will. | 0:27:38 | 0:27:41 | |
These storehouses were an important logistical element | 0:27:41 | 0:27:44 | |
of a growing empire. | 0:27:44 | 0:27:46 | |
But they also hint at the developing nature of Inca power itself. | 0:27:47 | 0:27:51 | |
You get the sense of a different type of empire | 0:27:53 | 0:27:56 | |
when you come to a place like this. | 0:27:56 | 0:27:57 | |
You see how much effort they went to, to provide for people's needs. | 0:27:57 | 0:28:01 | |
It's almost an attractive type of empire | 0:28:01 | 0:28:03 | |
that people would want to become part of. | 0:28:03 | 0:28:05 | |
Why wouldn't you want to join an empire that provided for you | 0:28:05 | 0:28:08 | |
in times of need, good times and bad? | 0:28:08 | 0:28:11 | |
The creation of these storehouses tells us a lot | 0:28:13 | 0:28:16 | |
about the great Inca ability to organise and plan | 0:28:16 | 0:28:19 | |
the use of their resources | 0:28:19 | 0:28:22 | |
They embody an empire which could offer solutions | 0:28:22 | 0:28:24 | |
to the people of the Andes. | 0:28:24 | 0:28:26 | |
But in order to truly understand the nature of Inca power, | 0:28:26 | 0:28:30 | |
I think we also have to look at how they approach | 0:28:30 | 0:28:32 | |
these people in the first place. | 0:28:32 | 0:28:34 | |
How, in effect, they pitched their empire | 0:28:34 | 0:28:37 | |
to the people they would rule. | 0:28:37 | 0:28:39 | |
To find out how they did it, | 0:28:42 | 0:28:43 | |
I'm taking the road west, towards the ocean. | 0:28:43 | 0:28:46 | |
This is the Temple of Pachacamac, on the Pacific Coast of Peru. | 0:28:56 | 0:29:00 | |
And you can see the distinctive method | 0:29:02 | 0:29:04 | |
of Inca empire building at work here. | 0:29:04 | 0:29:06 | |
For thousands of years before the Inca, | 0:29:08 | 0:29:10 | |
this was one of the most important and powerful religious sites | 0:29:10 | 0:29:14 | |
in South America. | 0:29:14 | 0:29:15 | |
Pachacamac's followers came from as far away as Ecuador | 0:29:22 | 0:29:26 | |
and Bolivia to consult the oracle housed here. | 0:29:26 | 0:29:28 | |
This massive complex was nothing less than an American Mecca. | 0:29:30 | 0:29:34 | |
Which perhaps makes Incan attitudes towards Pachacamac | 0:29:37 | 0:29:40 | |
even more surprising. | 0:29:40 | 0:29:42 | |
They didn't destroy this religious centre, | 0:29:47 | 0:29:49 | |
stamp out its idolatry or even forbid people from worshipping | 0:29:49 | 0:29:53 | |
the oracle here at Pachacamac. | 0:29:53 | 0:29:54 | |
Exactly the opposite, in fact. | 0:29:54 | 0:29:57 | |
They incorporated the oracle of Pachacamac | 0:29:57 | 0:29:59 | |
within their own pantheon of deities, | 0:29:59 | 0:30:02 | |
even building a shrine to it in Cuzco. | 0:30:02 | 0:30:04 | |
This willingness to tolerate and absorb other religions | 0:30:07 | 0:30:11 | |
tells us a great deal about Inca power. | 0:30:11 | 0:30:14 | |
It tells me that, as they expanded into new territory, | 0:30:14 | 0:30:17 | |
they wanted to avoid conflict. | 0:30:17 | 0:30:19 | |
The Incas were very effective at expanding out of their homeland | 0:30:21 | 0:30:25 | |
because they practised economy of force. | 0:30:25 | 0:30:27 | |
That is, they didn't conduct military operations | 0:30:27 | 0:30:30 | |
except as a last resort. | 0:30:30 | 0:30:32 | |
They tried diplomacy, they tried bribery, they tried all sorts | 0:30:32 | 0:30:35 | |
of accommodations to bring people into their empire. | 0:30:35 | 0:30:39 | |
Fighting was inefficient. | 0:30:39 | 0:30:42 | |
It meant the loss of their own men | 0:30:42 | 0:30:44 | |
and of the people whose labour they could use. | 0:30:44 | 0:30:47 | |
But the threat of force needed to be visible and real. | 0:30:47 | 0:30:51 | |
It is a carrot and stick approach, if you like, | 0:30:52 | 0:30:56 | |
of the threat of military violence, but equally, | 0:30:56 | 0:31:00 | |
the promise of gaining through the authority of the Inca | 0:31:00 | 0:31:04 | |
and their access to resources. | 0:31:04 | 0:31:06 | |
The Inca would often arrive in a new province with a massive army, | 0:31:08 | 0:31:13 | |
putting on an overwhelming display of force. | 0:31:13 | 0:31:16 | |
Emissaries would be sent to local rulers, | 0:31:16 | 0:31:18 | |
bearing expensive gifts of jewellery and livestock. | 0:31:18 | 0:31:21 | |
These same emissaries would explain the benefits | 0:31:21 | 0:31:24 | |
of joining the Inca Empire. | 0:31:24 | 0:31:26 | |
If the answer was no, the Incas spared no prisoners. | 0:31:26 | 0:31:29 | |
Losing generals could expect to be flayed alive. | 0:31:29 | 0:31:32 | |
But if the answer was yes, | 0:31:34 | 0:31:36 | |
then the people would be showered with gifts of food and drink. | 0:31:36 | 0:31:39 | |
Their lords would be instructed in Quechua, the Inca language, | 0:31:39 | 0:31:43 | |
and their children would be taken to Cuzco | 0:31:43 | 0:31:45 | |
to learn the ways of the Empire. | 0:31:45 | 0:31:47 | |
Above all, | 0:31:48 | 0:31:50 | |
they would be allowed to continue to practise their own religion. | 0:31:50 | 0:31:53 | |
Pachacamac is an excellent example of how the Inca | 0:31:54 | 0:31:57 | |
co-opted a powerful religious shrine and incorporated it | 0:31:57 | 0:32:00 | |
into the Inca imperial period. | 0:32:00 | 0:32:02 | |
They probably persuaded the priests of Pachacamac to participate, | 0:32:02 | 0:32:07 | |
those that would be willing. | 0:32:07 | 0:32:08 | |
But they also transformed, then, Pachacamac | 0:32:08 | 0:32:11 | |
from its focus as a local shrine into an Inca one. | 0:32:11 | 0:32:14 | |
And that kind of melding and that kind of blending, if you will, | 0:32:14 | 0:32:17 | |
of Inca ideology with local ideology was a really good example | 0:32:17 | 0:32:20 | |
of the way that Inca imperialism worked. | 0:32:20 | 0:32:23 | |
The tolerance demonstrated here at Pachacamac | 0:32:23 | 0:32:26 | |
happened all over the Inca realm. | 0:32:26 | 0:32:28 | |
And I think it goes to the heart of explaining | 0:32:28 | 0:32:31 | |
how the Inca built such a large empire. | 0:32:31 | 0:32:33 | |
If you submit to the rule of the Inca Empire, | 0:32:36 | 0:32:39 | |
then you will be allowed to keep most of your lands, | 0:32:39 | 0:32:41 | |
you'll be able to keep your social order. | 0:32:41 | 0:32:44 | |
All you will have to do is to pay certain taxes to the Incas | 0:32:44 | 0:32:47 | |
and we will allow you to continue to live essentially | 0:32:47 | 0:32:50 | |
as you had done previously. | 0:32:50 | 0:32:52 | |
It appears that many peoples in the Andes decided | 0:32:52 | 0:32:54 | |
that was probably the best bet. | 0:32:54 | 0:32:57 | |
There's a great intelligence about Inca power. | 0:32:57 | 0:33:00 | |
Why destroy a kingdom when that will mean a heavy cost | 0:33:00 | 0:33:02 | |
to you in terms of lives lost? | 0:33:02 | 0:33:05 | |
Why persecute its rulers when they could help you run your empire? | 0:33:05 | 0:33:09 | |
Ultimately, the Inca understood the more tightly you bound people | 0:33:09 | 0:33:13 | |
to you, the more control over them you would have. | 0:33:13 | 0:33:16 | |
In order to develop a larger-scale society, | 0:33:19 | 0:33:22 | |
they needed to cooperate. | 0:33:22 | 0:33:24 | |
And that's one of the great Inca achievements, | 0:33:24 | 0:33:27 | |
is that level of cooperation. | 0:33:27 | 0:33:29 | |
Now, it wasn't all love and peace, I think, but nonetheless, | 0:33:29 | 0:33:32 | |
it wasn't aggression that developed into the defence of sites | 0:33:32 | 0:33:35 | |
and all-out warfare. | 0:33:35 | 0:33:37 | |
And I think that allowed them to expand, as they created more and | 0:33:37 | 0:33:42 | |
more alliances and they could draw people together. | 0:33:42 | 0:33:45 | |
In doing so, they are creating an integration | 0:33:48 | 0:33:53 | |
that is different to what has gone before. | 0:33:53 | 0:33:55 | |
By the late 1400s, the Inca Empire was approaching its zenith. | 0:34:08 | 0:34:12 | |
The Inca were no longer one among many societies in the Andes, | 0:34:12 | 0:34:17 | |
they were the dominant, highly organised culture whose influence | 0:34:17 | 0:34:20 | |
stretched well beyond their Cuzco stronghold. | 0:34:20 | 0:34:24 | |
But in economic terms, how did such a sprawling empire work? | 0:34:24 | 0:34:30 | |
To find out, I'm heading to the remote island of Taquile, | 0:34:30 | 0:34:33 | |
4,000 metres above sea level on Lake Titicaca. | 0:34:33 | 0:34:36 | |
The people on Taquile live by an old code, | 0:34:49 | 0:34:52 | |
which they say dates back to the Inca, | 0:34:52 | 0:34:55 | |
"Ama sua, ama llulla, ama qhilla." | 0:34:55 | 0:34:58 | |
"Do not steal, do not lie, do not be lazy." | 0:34:58 | 0:35:01 | |
These lands were among the first the Inca conquered | 0:35:03 | 0:35:06 | |
as they moved out of the Cuzco Valley. | 0:35:06 | 0:35:10 | |
It's a region of vast llama and alpaca herds, | 0:35:10 | 0:35:13 | |
which were a bountiful source of food, clothing and transport | 0:35:13 | 0:35:16 | |
for the Inca. | 0:35:16 | 0:35:17 | |
And the Incan way of life is still very much in evidence | 0:35:21 | 0:35:24 | |
here on Taquile. | 0:35:24 | 0:35:26 | |
An attitude of collective endeavour and mutual support. | 0:35:26 | 0:35:29 | |
Ola. | 0:35:33 | 0:35:34 | |
'Alejandro Flores Huatta is a community leader.' | 0:35:34 | 0:35:38 | |
Alejandro's way of life may seem anachronistic, | 0:36:09 | 0:36:12 | |
but at the time of the Inca, this was the norm. | 0:36:12 | 0:36:16 | |
Communities were expected to give a proportion | 0:36:16 | 0:36:19 | |
of their agricultural production, crafts and labour | 0:36:19 | 0:36:22 | |
for the benefit of the state, | 0:36:22 | 0:36:24 | |
weaving cloth for the court or working on a building project, | 0:36:24 | 0:36:27 | |
just as they still do on Taquile today. | 0:36:27 | 0:36:29 | |
One of the clearest examples of a difference between | 0:37:14 | 0:37:16 | |
the Inca way of life and the modern one is in the economy. | 0:37:16 | 0:37:19 | |
Because the Inca didn't use money, | 0:37:19 | 0:37:21 | |
they didn't have an arbitrary system against which value was set. | 0:37:21 | 0:37:25 | |
Instead, everything was done through exchange. | 0:37:25 | 0:37:28 | |
So things like agricultural produce and craftsmanship, | 0:37:28 | 0:37:32 | |
even hours of labour, could be exchanged. | 0:37:32 | 0:37:35 | |
The Inca managed to persuade large numbers of people | 0:37:37 | 0:37:40 | |
that they should contribute their labour to projects | 0:37:40 | 0:37:44 | |
such as construction, such as agricultural work, | 0:37:44 | 0:37:47 | |
such as the road system. | 0:37:47 | 0:37:49 | |
And they managed to do that through a reciprocal relationship, | 0:37:49 | 0:37:55 | |
one where you didn't doubt that the Inca were in control, | 0:37:55 | 0:38:00 | |
but that you believed that you were getting also something out of it. | 0:38:00 | 0:38:04 | |
It strikes me that, in stark contrast to many civilisations | 0:38:04 | 0:38:08 | |
that had gone before them, the Inca wielded a very subtle form of power. | 0:38:08 | 0:38:13 | |
They offered solutions to the harsh realities of life in the Andes | 0:38:16 | 0:38:20 | |
and, in turn, asked the peoples they governed to have faith | 0:38:20 | 0:38:24 | |
in the benefits of Inca rule. | 0:38:24 | 0:38:26 | |
It some ways, it was quite a benevolent empire. | 0:38:31 | 0:38:35 | |
Yet there was never any question about who was ultimately in charge. | 0:38:35 | 0:38:39 | |
How the Inca managed to integrate so many different peoples | 0:38:46 | 0:38:49 | |
into their empire whilst maintaining their dominant position | 0:38:49 | 0:38:53 | |
was central to their success. | 0:38:53 | 0:38:55 | |
Just a few miles from Pachacamac is a place which was built specifically | 0:38:55 | 0:38:59 | |
to bring an entire people into the Inca fold | 0:38:59 | 0:39:03 | |
and it brilliantly demonstrates how a society | 0:39:03 | 0:39:05 | |
that didn't have any written culture | 0:39:05 | 0:39:07 | |
still had ways to ensure that everyone knew their place. | 0:39:07 | 0:39:10 | |
This is the site of Tambo Colorado. | 0:39:13 | 0:39:15 | |
It's one of the first settlements the Inca build | 0:39:15 | 0:39:18 | |
as they push westwards, down towards the Pacific Coast. | 0:39:18 | 0:39:20 | |
The people who lived in this region were the Chincha. | 0:39:20 | 0:39:23 | |
And the purpose of this place was to co-opt them into the empire. | 0:39:23 | 0:39:28 | |
The Chincha were one of the Incas' most important allies, | 0:39:28 | 0:39:31 | |
controlling large swathes of the coastal desert. | 0:39:31 | 0:39:35 | |
And it's obvious that this was an important place for both | 0:39:35 | 0:39:38 | |
the Chincha and the Inca, | 0:39:38 | 0:39:40 | |
dominating a flat plain as the mountains give way to the coast. | 0:39:40 | 0:39:44 | |
'Sofia Chacaltana Cortez is an archaeologist | 0:39:45 | 0:39:48 | |
'who has studied this site extensively.' | 0:39:48 | 0:39:52 | |
So this entrance, like, the whole wall comes along | 0:39:52 | 0:39:54 | |
and then you've just got one small entrance into the site? | 0:39:54 | 0:39:57 | |
Yeah, that's typical of Inca architecture, right? | 0:39:57 | 0:39:59 | |
Like, it's an entrance that is a palace first | 0:39:59 | 0:40:03 | |
and it has just one entrance and also has the Inca shape, | 0:40:03 | 0:40:07 | |
the trapezoid, so... | 0:40:07 | 0:40:09 | |
Wow, and then you immediately come into this sort of main plaza. | 0:40:09 | 0:40:13 | |
Yeah, you have the main plaza. | 0:40:13 | 0:40:15 | |
This one is the rear plaza and then you have three other plazas. | 0:40:15 | 0:40:18 | |
So what sort of activities would be going on | 0:40:18 | 0:40:20 | |
in this sort of main plaza, do you think? | 0:40:20 | 0:40:22 | |
If people walked through those gates, | 0:40:22 | 0:40:24 | |
what sort of things would they see? | 0:40:24 | 0:40:25 | |
Well, probably ritual activities and also a lot of drinking. | 0:40:25 | 0:40:29 | |
The Inca did a lot of drinking and displaying of power. | 0:40:29 | 0:40:32 | |
But probably also that was the place where the elite could come, | 0:40:32 | 0:40:37 | |
could enter the site. | 0:40:37 | 0:40:39 | |
Tambo Colorado has the feel of a stage, | 0:40:43 | 0:40:46 | |
a place of performance, | 0:40:46 | 0:40:48 | |
where important officials would meet, where religious rituals | 0:40:48 | 0:40:51 | |
would take place, against the backdrop of feasting and drinking. | 0:40:51 | 0:40:55 | |
Adding to this theatrical feel are these brightly painted walls, | 0:40:56 | 0:41:00 | |
whose colours have survived over five centuries of desert sun. | 0:41:00 | 0:41:05 | |
It's absolutely extraordinary that you get this level of preservation | 0:41:05 | 0:41:08 | |
of these pigments and paints right up to the modern day. | 0:41:08 | 0:41:11 | |
I really like the idea that you sort of walk in | 0:41:11 | 0:41:13 | |
from this quite barren desert landscape | 0:41:13 | 0:41:15 | |
and then when you walk into this plaza, | 0:41:15 | 0:41:17 | |
suddenly you're, like, overwhelmed by the colour. | 0:41:17 | 0:41:19 | |
Like, brilliant colours around you | 0:41:19 | 0:41:20 | |
and then you can think about that dancing and music which is going on. | 0:41:20 | 0:41:23 | |
Much of what we see at Tambo Colorado | 0:41:26 | 0:41:28 | |
is typical of Inca architecture. | 0:41:28 | 0:41:31 | |
Yet there are striking differences in the craftsmanship here, too, | 0:41:31 | 0:41:34 | |
which Sofia believes come from the influence of the Chincha. | 0:41:34 | 0:41:38 | |
Something to notice, too, is the lattice work | 0:41:38 | 0:41:41 | |
and the ending of the Inca spaces are not always Inca, are Chincha. | 0:41:41 | 0:41:47 | |
The architect probably was Inca but the work was local | 0:41:47 | 0:41:52 | |
and also probably the people that were living here | 0:41:52 | 0:41:55 | |
were the Inca elite and the Chincha elite. | 0:41:55 | 0:41:58 | |
It's a really difficult thing to assess, | 0:41:58 | 0:42:01 | |
but do you think there's any evidence that | 0:42:01 | 0:42:03 | |
the Chincha and Inca are working cooperatively, | 0:42:03 | 0:42:05 | |
rather than sort of like a dominating workforce, forcing them, | 0:42:05 | 0:42:08 | |
do you see any evidence of collaboration? | 0:42:08 | 0:42:09 | |
Well, we are seeing here is like, I think, | 0:42:09 | 0:42:12 | |
the synthesis of the government. | 0:42:12 | 0:42:14 | |
Like, after they have, like, worked together. | 0:42:14 | 0:42:16 | |
I think this is like a... | 0:42:16 | 0:42:18 | |
probably like a Chincha... an Inca-Chincha palace, right? | 0:42:18 | 0:42:22 | |
It's not only Inca, it's not Chincha, | 0:42:22 | 0:42:25 | |
it's saying, like, "We are cooperating." | 0:42:25 | 0:42:28 | |
The merging of architectural styles | 0:42:32 | 0:42:34 | |
signals the joining of two kingdoms, Inca and Chincha. | 0:42:34 | 0:42:38 | |
Tambo Colorado was the place which marked an important alliance | 0:42:38 | 0:42:42 | |
in material form, but not an alliance of equals... | 0:42:42 | 0:42:45 | |
..because there are subtle levers of control here. | 0:42:49 | 0:42:52 | |
Away from the plazas, | 0:42:52 | 0:42:54 | |
Tambo Colorado is a maze of complex and confusing corridors. | 0:42:54 | 0:42:58 | |
Hidden rooms and secret spaces. | 0:42:58 | 0:43:00 | |
The architecture dictates how you travel around the site. | 0:43:01 | 0:43:05 | |
Even the beautiful, brightly coloured walls | 0:43:05 | 0:43:08 | |
had a controlling purpose, | 0:43:08 | 0:43:09 | |
marking out areas of access according to rank. | 0:43:09 | 0:43:13 | |
The yellow colour is representing the higher status. | 0:43:15 | 0:43:18 | |
The lower status will be the white, | 0:43:18 | 0:43:21 | |
that will represent the intermediate elite | 0:43:21 | 0:43:24 | |
and the red will represent the locals. | 0:43:24 | 0:43:27 | |
The colour scheme was designed to mark places | 0:43:28 | 0:43:31 | |
where only the Inca were allowed. | 0:43:31 | 0:43:34 | |
A lot of Tambo Colorado would have been off limits | 0:43:34 | 0:43:36 | |
to the Chincha population. | 0:43:36 | 0:43:38 | |
So these corridors are fantastic. | 0:43:41 | 0:43:43 | |
-They have this sort of real sense of restricted space. -Yes. | 0:43:43 | 0:43:45 | |
And they go to imperial spaces. | 0:43:45 | 0:43:48 | |
We will see these Inca spaces, like the font, the Inca font, | 0:43:48 | 0:43:52 | |
and there is an Inca way of purifying your body. | 0:43:52 | 0:43:56 | |
To what extent do you think these architectural forms, | 0:43:56 | 0:43:58 | |
these spaces, are a mechanism for the Inca Empire to sort of control | 0:43:58 | 0:44:02 | |
people's behaviour and influence their experience | 0:44:02 | 0:44:05 | |
of coming into them? | 0:44:05 | 0:44:07 | |
Well, I think this is to control people's behaviour | 0:44:07 | 0:44:09 | |
and also to show how to behave as an Inca, right? | 0:44:09 | 0:44:12 | |
Because we are far away from the... | 0:44:12 | 0:44:15 | |
from the capital. | 0:44:15 | 0:44:16 | |
So I think also is showing what is the Inca behaviour, right? | 0:44:16 | 0:44:20 | |
To behave as an Inca, I think, was an important part | 0:44:20 | 0:44:23 | |
of the Inca government. | 0:44:23 | 0:44:24 | |
I think it's cooperation also, | 0:44:28 | 0:44:30 | |
but with the foot on top, kind of like that. | 0:44:30 | 0:44:34 | |
It's great chatting to Sofia | 0:44:40 | 0:44:41 | |
about how Inca architecture controls people's behaviour here. | 0:44:41 | 0:44:45 | |
And more than that, | 0:44:45 | 0:44:46 | |
communicates it to all the people moving up and down this valley. | 0:44:46 | 0:44:50 | |
Inca architecture is so much more | 0:44:50 | 0:44:52 | |
than the construction of imposing buildings. | 0:44:52 | 0:44:55 | |
Architecture, like religion or agriculture, | 0:44:55 | 0:44:58 | |
is a source of Inca power. | 0:44:58 | 0:45:00 | |
All the elements that made Inca power so dominating and seductive | 0:45:06 | 0:45:10 | |
came together in one city... | 0:45:10 | 0:45:12 | |
Cuzco, high in the Andes. | 0:45:12 | 0:45:15 | |
Cuzco was the most important city in the entirety of the Americas. | 0:45:16 | 0:45:20 | |
It was the Inca homeland | 0:45:22 | 0:45:23 | |
and the political and spiritual heart of their empire. | 0:45:23 | 0:45:26 | |
And in the heart of Cuzco sat one person... | 0:45:28 | 0:45:30 | |
the Sapa Inca. | 0:45:30 | 0:45:32 | |
The ruler of the Inca Empire | 0:45:34 | 0:45:36 | |
was a person called the Sapa Inca or Unique Lord. | 0:45:36 | 0:45:39 | |
He embodied all the dimensions of leadership within the Inca society. | 0:45:39 | 0:45:44 | |
He was the political ruler, in part because he was the descendant | 0:45:44 | 0:45:48 | |
of the previous Sapa Inca. | 0:45:48 | 0:45:50 | |
He was also the military leader | 0:45:50 | 0:45:52 | |
and he was the person who made decisions about everything | 0:45:52 | 0:45:55 | |
that was of significance in society, | 0:45:55 | 0:45:57 | |
whether economic, ritual, or whatever. | 0:45:57 | 0:46:00 | |
It was all focused on a single individual. | 0:46:00 | 0:46:03 | |
The Sapa Inca was the most powerful man in the empire | 0:46:06 | 0:46:09 | |
and was treated with immense reverence. | 0:46:09 | 0:46:12 | |
He communicated via intermediaries. | 0:46:13 | 0:46:17 | |
No-one dared look him directly in the eye. | 0:46:17 | 0:46:21 | |
Disobedience was punishable by death. | 0:46:21 | 0:46:23 | |
I guess you could probably call him a benevolent dictator in some ways. | 0:46:27 | 0:46:32 | |
The Sapa Inca was not a very accessible personage, | 0:46:32 | 0:46:35 | |
but he was also expected to be a charismatic leader, | 0:46:35 | 0:46:39 | |
a figure who could change the world when necessary. | 0:46:39 | 0:46:43 | |
The greatest of all Inca emperors was Pachacuti, | 0:46:44 | 0:46:49 | |
whose name literally means "he who overturns space and time". | 0:46:49 | 0:46:55 | |
Pachacuti is a mythical hero to many modern day Peruvians. | 0:46:55 | 0:46:59 | |
The story goes that he was a prince, | 0:46:59 | 0:47:01 | |
living here in Cuzco in the early to mid-15th century, | 0:47:01 | 0:47:04 | |
when the city was attacked by the Chanka, | 0:47:04 | 0:47:06 | |
a people who came from 150km to the west. | 0:47:06 | 0:47:10 | |
Pachakuti's father, the ruler, took his entire court and fled the city, | 0:47:10 | 0:47:14 | |
but Pachacuti defiantly remained and led a divinely inspired resistance | 0:47:14 | 0:47:19 | |
to the Chanka, crushing them. | 0:47:19 | 0:47:21 | |
He then led a series of Inca expansions away from the homeland, | 0:47:21 | 0:47:25 | |
laying the foundations of the Inca Empire. | 0:47:25 | 0:47:27 | |
But the root of Pachacuti's rule and the authority of all the Sapa Incas | 0:47:30 | 0:47:35 | |
lay in their position as semi-divine figures. | 0:47:35 | 0:47:37 | |
To understand how the Sapa Inca operated, | 0:47:39 | 0:47:42 | |
we have to think of him in several dimensions. | 0:47:42 | 0:47:45 | |
He was, in some senses, very much a human being, | 0:47:45 | 0:47:48 | |
but the Incas considered him to be the descendant of Inti, | 0:47:48 | 0:47:52 | |
the Sun God, so in Inca ideology, he was a deity on Earth. | 0:47:52 | 0:47:57 | |
While the Inca allowed their subjects to worship their own gods, | 0:48:00 | 0:48:04 | |
they would always be subservient to their own Sun God, Inti. | 0:48:04 | 0:48:08 | |
The Inca built temples of the sun wherever they conquered. | 0:48:09 | 0:48:13 | |
This emphasised the emperor's connection | 0:48:16 | 0:48:18 | |
to the most powerful god in the sky. | 0:48:18 | 0:48:20 | |
It also connected Inca power with the cosmos itself. | 0:48:22 | 0:48:26 | |
In this way, the Inca used religious reverence | 0:48:26 | 0:48:29 | |
as a powerful political tool. | 0:48:29 | 0:48:31 | |
Inca religion is probably best thought of as part | 0:48:33 | 0:48:36 | |
of an over-arching imperial ideology. | 0:48:36 | 0:48:38 | |
It had its political elements, it had its religious elements, | 0:48:38 | 0:48:42 | |
it had its practice, it had its military and cosmological elements. | 0:48:42 | 0:48:47 | |
So the idea of religion, per se, | 0:48:47 | 0:48:48 | |
probably would not have made sense to the Incas. | 0:48:48 | 0:48:51 | |
They would have thought of it as an integrated part | 0:48:51 | 0:48:53 | |
of the sanctity of the ruler, of his legitimacy to civilise the Andes, | 0:48:53 | 0:48:58 | |
of his role as a political and military figure. | 0:48:58 | 0:49:01 | |
Here, at the temple of Qorikancha, the holiest spot in the empire, | 0:49:04 | 0:49:07 | |
the Sapa Inca would hold court. | 0:49:07 | 0:49:10 | |
This entire complex would once have been encased in gold. | 0:49:12 | 0:49:15 | |
All that remains today is this beautiful curved stone wall. | 0:49:16 | 0:49:21 | |
But despite its destruction | 0:49:21 | 0:49:22 | |
and the construction of a Christian church on top of it, | 0:49:22 | 0:49:26 | |
the Qorikancha still feels very much like | 0:49:26 | 0:49:29 | |
the spiritual heart of Inca Cuzco. | 0:49:29 | 0:49:31 | |
The Qorikancha was at the centre of the Inca world. | 0:49:33 | 0:49:36 | |
It was thought that, from here, dozens of ceques, or ley lines, | 0:49:36 | 0:49:40 | |
spread across the empire, upon which shrines and temples would be built. | 0:49:40 | 0:49:45 | |
So this religious complex was connected physically | 0:49:45 | 0:49:48 | |
and psychologically with every corner of the empire. | 0:49:48 | 0:49:51 | |
The Inca used religion to project the idea of their empire | 0:49:54 | 0:49:59 | |
over the lands they controlled and to the people they ruled. | 0:49:59 | 0:50:03 | |
These ley lines radiated across the landscape, | 0:50:03 | 0:50:07 | |
creating a spiritual map of the empire | 0:50:07 | 0:50:09 | |
which would have been understood by people from the forests of Ecuador | 0:50:09 | 0:50:13 | |
to the high plateaux and peaks of the Andes, | 0:50:13 | 0:50:16 | |
and from Cuzco to the coast. | 0:50:16 | 0:50:18 | |
You have to picture this as a countryside which is animated, | 0:50:21 | 0:50:25 | |
it's alive with different special places, | 0:50:25 | 0:50:31 | |
places which are associated with supernatural powers. | 0:50:31 | 0:50:34 | |
And so an unusual rock, a pass, | 0:50:34 | 0:50:37 | |
a curve in a road, a waterfall... | 0:50:37 | 0:50:40 | |
..any noteworthy landmark on the landscape could be considered | 0:50:41 | 0:50:47 | |
what the Incas called a huaca, or a shrine. | 0:50:47 | 0:50:50 | |
And on very specific days of the year, pilgrimages would be made. | 0:50:51 | 0:50:57 | |
Different kin groups would line up along different lines | 0:50:57 | 0:51:03 | |
and march out to each of the shrines, making offerings to them. | 0:51:03 | 0:51:08 | |
For the Inca, | 0:51:08 | 0:51:09 | |
this was an empire of the mind as much as a physical empire, | 0:51:09 | 0:51:14 | |
held together by thousands of shrines and invisible ley lines | 0:51:14 | 0:51:18 | |
as much as by garrisons or military power. | 0:51:18 | 0:51:20 | |
But an empire still needs physical bonds. | 0:51:23 | 0:51:27 | |
By the end of the 15th century, | 0:51:27 | 0:51:29 | |
the Inca Empire was approaching its greatest extent, | 0:51:29 | 0:51:34 | |
reaching from southern Ecuador eastwards to Bolivia | 0:51:34 | 0:51:37 | |
and into northern Argentina. | 0:51:37 | 0:51:39 | |
It was criss-crossed by 40,000km of roads. | 0:51:43 | 0:51:46 | |
There were two main roads, | 0:51:48 | 0:51:50 | |
one running from Cuzco to Quito, | 0:51:50 | 0:51:52 | |
the other running parallel along the coast. | 0:51:52 | 0:51:55 | |
Between these were dozens of connecting roads and spurs, | 0:51:55 | 0:51:58 | |
heading south and east. | 0:51:58 | 0:52:00 | |
This road system is one of the most famous elements of the Inca Empire. | 0:52:04 | 0:52:09 | |
But much of this network almost certainly predates the Inca. | 0:52:09 | 0:52:13 | |
Once again, they took what they found and up-scaled it. | 0:52:14 | 0:52:18 | |
Some parts of that road system | 0:52:19 | 0:52:21 | |
existed at least since the Wari Empire, | 0:52:21 | 0:52:25 | |
but the Inca develop it. | 0:52:25 | 0:52:27 | |
They reconstruct large parts of it. | 0:52:27 | 0:52:30 | |
They construct bridges and causeways to integrate it | 0:52:30 | 0:52:33 | |
and they redirect some roads. | 0:52:33 | 0:52:36 | |
This is a huge investment for them. | 0:52:36 | 0:52:39 | |
The Inca road system was a triumph of architecture and planning. | 0:52:43 | 0:52:46 | |
The roads had to pass through a variety of landscapes, | 0:52:49 | 0:52:52 | |
from arid desert, to snowy mountains, to vertical cliffs. | 0:52:52 | 0:52:56 | |
They could be anything from one to ten metres wide. | 0:52:57 | 0:53:00 | |
In the desert, they were protected from dusty winds by raised stones. | 0:53:02 | 0:53:06 | |
In the mountains, they were designed to allow for run-off and drainage. | 0:53:06 | 0:53:09 | |
And when the terrain made conventional roads impossible, | 0:53:11 | 0:53:15 | |
the Inca once again came up with an ingenious solution. | 0:53:15 | 0:53:18 | |
This is the stunning Keshwa Chaca bridge. | 0:53:21 | 0:53:24 | |
It's made out of only this, straw. | 0:53:24 | 0:53:26 | |
And it's been in use for hundreds of years, | 0:53:26 | 0:53:29 | |
dating right back to the Inca period. | 0:53:29 | 0:53:31 | |
This bridge still serves as a major crossing of the Apurimac River. | 0:53:31 | 0:53:35 | |
It is carefully maintained by the four communities who live here. | 0:53:37 | 0:53:40 | |
Ola. | 0:53:41 | 0:53:43 | |
'Among the workers is Dante Quispe Locuber.' | 0:53:43 | 0:53:45 | |
The roads allowed the Inca to travel swiftly and communicate efficiently | 0:54:26 | 0:54:31 | |
throughout their vast empire. | 0:54:31 | 0:54:33 | |
It's estimated a message could be carried from Cuzco to Quito, | 0:54:33 | 0:54:37 | |
a distance of 1,500km, in just five days. | 0:54:37 | 0:54:41 | |
But seeing Dante and his comrades at work, it strikes me that the roads | 0:54:41 | 0:54:46 | |
were about much more than just communication, | 0:54:46 | 0:54:48 | |
more than just getting from A to B. | 0:54:48 | 0:54:50 | |
This network was a psychological tool, | 0:54:51 | 0:54:54 | |
as well as a physical one. | 0:54:54 | 0:54:56 | |
These roads and bridges were a constant reminder to communities | 0:54:57 | 0:55:00 | |
all over the Andes that they were part of something bigger. | 0:55:00 | 0:55:04 | |
It probably provided an ideological mechanism of integration, | 0:55:06 | 0:55:11 | |
so that in constructing that road system, | 0:55:11 | 0:55:14 | |
you could not but be aware that you were integrating Cuzco with the coast. | 0:55:14 | 0:55:19 | |
You were a part of empire. | 0:55:19 | 0:55:22 | |
We must remember that there is no idea of a map of the Inca Empire. | 0:55:22 | 0:55:26 | |
It is largely through the connection of individual places, | 0:55:26 | 0:55:30 | |
through roads and track ways and though ceremonial | 0:55:30 | 0:55:33 | |
and ritual activities that the Inca Empire holds together. | 0:55:33 | 0:55:36 | |
The network was so vast | 0:55:41 | 0:55:43 | |
that new parts of it are still being uncovered today. | 0:55:43 | 0:55:46 | |
This is a newly discovered road. | 0:55:50 | 0:55:52 | |
It's absolutely extraordinary, it clings to the side of the cliff | 0:55:52 | 0:55:55 | |
with a 300 metre drop-off down to the river below. | 0:55:55 | 0:55:58 | |
These roads are about more than just travel. | 0:56:07 | 0:56:09 | |
They are the physical ties that bind the empire together | 0:56:09 | 0:56:13 | |
and underpin Inca power. | 0:56:13 | 0:56:15 | |
Armies, food and livestock can move quickly along them. | 0:56:15 | 0:56:18 | |
No matter where you are in the empire, | 0:56:18 | 0:56:21 | |
you're never far from a road that leads to Cuzco. | 0:56:21 | 0:56:23 | |
And that proximity means Inca power is ever-present, | 0:56:23 | 0:56:27 | |
no matter which corner of the empire you're in. | 0:56:27 | 0:56:29 | |
This road leads down to Machu Picchu. | 0:56:35 | 0:56:38 | |
It isn't on any of the tourist itineraries | 0:56:38 | 0:56:41 | |
and it may not be as celebrated as what lies below. | 0:56:41 | 0:56:44 | |
But it is part of the same empire, built by the same people | 0:56:45 | 0:56:50 | |
and is, in its own way, just as important as that iconic Inca ruin. | 0:56:50 | 0:56:55 | |
From a western perspective, ancient empires are lauded | 0:56:55 | 0:56:59 | |
for victorious battles, ingenious systems of governance and control, | 0:56:59 | 0:57:04 | |
territorial expansion and domination through generations. | 0:57:04 | 0:57:09 | |
The Inca achieved all this and more. | 0:57:09 | 0:57:12 | |
If we define power as the ability | 0:57:26 | 0:57:29 | |
to control people's actions and behaviour, | 0:57:29 | 0:57:32 | |
then I think we have a tremendous amount to learn from the Inca, | 0:57:32 | 0:57:35 | |
because force was just one small tool in their armoury. | 0:57:35 | 0:57:40 | |
To give people the sense of freewill, | 0:57:40 | 0:57:42 | |
to make the decisions that you want them to make - | 0:57:42 | 0:57:45 | |
that is the source of true power. | 0:57:45 | 0:57:47 | |
And the scale at which the Inca did it was extraordinary. | 0:57:47 | 0:57:50 | |
But as the Inca reached their zenith, | 0:57:56 | 0:57:59 | |
they would be visited by foreign soldiers from across the ocean. | 0:57:59 | 0:58:02 | |
These Spanish conquistadors had a very different concept of power. | 0:58:03 | 0:58:08 | |
And their determination to build an empire of their own in this land | 0:58:08 | 0:58:13 | |
would lead to a catastrophic clash | 0:58:13 | 0:58:15 | |
of two completely different cultures. | 0:58:15 | 0:58:18 |