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This programme contains some strong language and some scenes which some viewers may find upsetting. | 0:00:04 | 0:00:12 | |
On the 17th of June 2015, Charleston, in South Carolina, | 0:00:17 | 0:00:22 | |
saw one of the worst racially motivated killings | 0:00:22 | 0:00:24 | |
in recent American history. | 0:00:24 | 0:00:26 | |
Nine black worshippers were shot dead during a prayer meeting | 0:00:30 | 0:00:34 | |
at this downtown church. | 0:00:34 | 0:00:35 | |
The killer was identified as 21-year-old | 0:00:40 | 0:00:43 | |
white supremacist Dylann Roof. | 0:00:43 | 0:00:47 | |
He confessed to committing the massacre in the hope | 0:00:47 | 0:00:49 | |
of igniting a race war. | 0:00:49 | 0:00:51 | |
All of America was shocked, but in the Southern states, | 0:00:54 | 0:00:58 | |
where race has been an issue for centuries, | 0:00:58 | 0:01:00 | |
the shooting also triggered a passionate argument about the past. | 0:01:00 | 0:01:04 | |
Much of it focused on the Confederate battle flag, | 0:01:06 | 0:01:10 | |
for many the very symbol of racism and hate. | 0:01:10 | 0:01:13 | |
But what is it about the past that stokes the flames of racism here? | 0:01:14 | 0:01:19 | |
That's the question that interests me, | 0:01:19 | 0:01:21 | |
because it seems that the bedrock of the Southern states of America, | 0:01:21 | 0:01:24 | |
the old Confederate Deep South, is, deep down, | 0:01:24 | 0:01:28 | |
more than a little Scottish. | 0:01:28 | 0:01:31 | |
He lifted the blazing emblem, the fiery cross of old Scotland's hill. | 0:01:31 | 0:01:35 | |
It would become the most identifiable symbols of race hatred, | 0:01:35 | 0:01:40 | |
of the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:01:40 | 0:01:42 | |
I think white Southerners do think of themselves as Celts. | 0:01:42 | 0:01:46 | |
It is absolutely a core idea | 0:01:46 | 0:01:48 | |
for a lot of these white supremacist groups, | 0:01:48 | 0:01:51 | |
including the original Klan which, of course, was thinking of | 0:01:51 | 0:01:54 | |
Scottish clans with a C when they called themselves | 0:01:54 | 0:01:57 | |
the Ku Klux Klan with a K. | 0:01:57 | 0:01:58 | |
I've spent a lot of time celebrating the legacy of Scots who left home | 0:02:06 | 0:02:10 | |
and helped lay the foundations of the United States of America. | 0:02:10 | 0:02:14 | |
When they arrived here, they had the chance to create something new, | 0:02:14 | 0:02:20 | |
something perfect - | 0:02:20 | 0:02:22 | |
a new world. | 0:02:22 | 0:02:24 | |
A third of the signatories of the Declaration of Independence | 0:02:24 | 0:02:27 | |
were Scots. The pursuit of happiness, the most famous part | 0:02:27 | 0:02:30 | |
of the Declaration, is arguably a Scottish idea. | 0:02:30 | 0:02:33 | |
But the New World is not perfect, | 0:02:35 | 0:02:38 | |
and I want to find out why. | 0:02:38 | 0:02:40 | |
If the Scots had a significant hand in conjuring the American dream, | 0:02:40 | 0:02:45 | |
to what extent were they also responsible for the nightmare? | 0:02:45 | 0:02:49 | |
That ugliest of stains, | 0:02:49 | 0:02:51 | |
the bloody, violent history of race hatred | 0:02:51 | 0:02:55 | |
that blights America to this day. | 0:02:55 | 0:02:58 | |
I'm travelling over 2,000 miles of the Southern states of America. | 0:03:14 | 0:03:18 | |
It's somewhere I've never been before | 0:03:18 | 0:03:21 | |
and I'm going to explore how early Scottish immigration evolved | 0:03:21 | 0:03:25 | |
and see whether it's had an enduring impact on race relations here. | 0:03:25 | 0:03:29 | |
This seems like a natural place to start as I'm told | 0:03:31 | 0:03:35 | |
it's living evidence of the Scots that originally settled here. | 0:03:35 | 0:03:40 | |
I'm in Greenville, in South Carolina, | 0:03:40 | 0:03:42 | |
on the eve of their annual gathering | 0:03:42 | 0:03:44 | |
for the Highland Games. | 0:03:44 | 0:03:46 | |
I can hear the pipes. | 0:03:46 | 0:03:48 | |
There must be Scottish people here. | 0:03:48 | 0:03:50 | |
Come on, Greenville, let's hear you! | 0:04:04 | 0:04:07 | |
-We're Scottish American. -OK. | 0:04:07 | 0:04:09 | |
You put the Scottish first? | 0:04:09 | 0:04:11 | |
We do tonight, yes, absolutely. | 0:04:11 | 0:04:13 | |
-Do you claim Scottish descent? -Yes. | 0:04:13 | 0:04:16 | |
If you were to score yourself out of ten as a Scot, | 0:04:16 | 0:04:19 | |
what number would you give yourself? | 0:04:19 | 0:04:22 | |
Today, a ten. | 0:04:22 | 0:04:25 | |
I have a four-year-old, if I could get him out here... | 0:04:25 | 0:04:27 | |
He's so scared of bagpipes - | 0:04:27 | 0:04:29 | |
as soon as I can get him over that, it'd be fantastic. | 0:04:29 | 0:04:32 | |
He's scared of bagpipes? | 0:04:32 | 0:04:34 | |
-Yeah. -That's a worrying... | 0:04:34 | 0:04:35 | |
Oh, here we go. | 0:04:35 | 0:04:37 | |
The next day, at the Games proper, | 0:04:41 | 0:04:43 | |
I asked yet more well turned-out Scots what they thought of | 0:04:43 | 0:04:46 | |
the effect of Scottish migration to the States. | 0:04:46 | 0:04:49 | |
They influenced everything. I mean, the first governor of South Carolina | 0:04:49 | 0:04:53 | |
was a boy from Roxburghshire, | 0:04:53 | 0:04:54 | |
and he very quickly wanted state laws that reflected the way | 0:04:54 | 0:04:57 | |
things were back in Scotland. | 0:04:57 | 0:04:59 | |
Some historians will tell you, if you look at the Confederate flag | 0:05:02 | 0:05:05 | |
from the Civil War... Very similar to a St Andrew's in terms of design. | 0:05:05 | 0:05:09 | |
They see a connection there because there was a lot of Scottish heritage | 0:05:09 | 0:05:12 | |
in those early days. | 0:05:12 | 0:05:14 | |
Coming from a place where you weren't allowed to have | 0:05:14 | 0:05:16 | |
your own land and you felt you were kept down by the landlords, | 0:05:16 | 0:05:18 | |
the first thing you do when you get here is buy slaves. | 0:05:18 | 0:05:21 | |
There's a kind of disjuncture there, isn't there? | 0:05:21 | 0:05:24 | |
Greenville's not unique. | 0:05:41 | 0:05:42 | |
All over the South, I'm finding people keen to describe themselves | 0:05:42 | 0:05:46 | |
or their ancestors as Scottish. | 0:05:46 | 0:05:49 | |
How and why did the Scots arrive here, and what does that tell us | 0:05:49 | 0:05:54 | |
about the nature of the South today? | 0:05:54 | 0:05:56 | |
I've found one man who has written extensively | 0:06:00 | 0:06:03 | |
on transatlantic immigration. | 0:06:03 | 0:06:05 | |
Barry Vann has studied the subject in the United States and in the UK. | 0:06:05 | 0:06:10 | |
He brought me to one of the peaks of the Blue Ridge Mountains in Virginia | 0:06:12 | 0:06:16 | |
to look down on the Great Appalachian Valley | 0:06:16 | 0:06:18 | |
that most of the early Scottish settlers would have passed through | 0:06:18 | 0:06:22 | |
during the 18th century. | 0:06:22 | 0:06:24 | |
They were going to the frontier looking for cheap land, | 0:06:24 | 0:06:26 | |
ran into those mountains - | 0:06:26 | 0:06:27 | |
they couldn't go north because that land was already occupied. | 0:06:27 | 0:06:30 | |
They couldn't go over the mountains because it was too difficult | 0:06:30 | 0:06:33 | |
to get over them and there were probably hostile natives over there, | 0:06:33 | 0:06:35 | |
so they came down the valley this way. | 0:06:35 | 0:06:37 | |
It's such a massive undertaking for these people - | 0:06:37 | 0:06:39 | |
what's driving it? | 0:06:39 | 0:06:41 | |
One was economic, because they were coming from a place where the lands | 0:06:41 | 0:06:45 | |
that they had farmed for generations | 0:06:45 | 0:06:47 | |
were no longer available to them because they weren't able | 0:06:47 | 0:06:50 | |
to afford the money rent that was required to stay on those lands. | 0:06:50 | 0:06:53 | |
But here they could acquire lands and become their own lord. | 0:06:53 | 0:06:58 | |
So, in a lot of respects, they were trying to recreate | 0:06:58 | 0:07:01 | |
the imagined Scotland that they had back there. | 0:07:01 | 0:07:04 | |
But they wanted it here | 0:07:04 | 0:07:06 | |
because they had more resources. | 0:07:06 | 0:07:08 | |
Look at those beautiful trees. Water was plentiful. | 0:07:08 | 0:07:10 | |
Nice, longer growing seasons. | 0:07:10 | 0:07:12 | |
You know, this was... This was a bountiful place. | 0:07:12 | 0:07:16 | |
This was the Scotland that they'd imagined. | 0:07:16 | 0:07:18 | |
Scotland 2.0. | 0:07:18 | 0:07:20 | |
-That's right. -The upgrade. | 0:07:20 | 0:07:21 | |
The upgrade. Absolutely. | 0:07:21 | 0:07:23 | |
It wasn't just the prospect of a better future that drew Scots | 0:07:24 | 0:07:28 | |
to what they called the backcountry. | 0:07:28 | 0:07:31 | |
They were tempted here because of their reputation as fighting folk, | 0:07:31 | 0:07:36 | |
recruited to help defend the coastal areas already settled by the English | 0:07:36 | 0:07:40 | |
from Native Americans and the French. | 0:07:40 | 0:07:44 | |
They wanted them to come to the backcountry, to this part | 0:07:44 | 0:07:47 | |
of the state, or colony at that time, and to be a buffer zone | 0:07:47 | 0:07:51 | |
against potential invasion. | 0:07:51 | 0:07:54 | |
MUSIC: Ba Mo Leanabh by William Jackson & Mackenzie | 0:07:54 | 0:07:57 | |
This is probably the oldest part of the cemetery right here. | 0:08:05 | 0:08:09 | |
These are some of the founding families - | 0:08:09 | 0:08:11 | |
second generation. | 0:08:11 | 0:08:13 | |
'Down in the valley | 0:08:13 | 0:08:14 | |
'lies the resting place of many of those early frontiers people.' | 0:08:14 | 0:08:18 | |
Look at that - Scot, Kirkpatrick, Bell. | 0:08:18 | 0:08:20 | |
-Yes. -They came from Scotland and from Ulster, | 0:08:20 | 0:08:24 | |
and they quickly exceeded the number of English settlers in the South. | 0:08:24 | 0:08:27 | |
Next to the graveyard, we can see what united these newcomers. | 0:08:29 | 0:08:33 | |
This church is built on the site of one of the earliest | 0:08:34 | 0:08:37 | |
Presbyterian places of worship in the area. | 0:08:37 | 0:08:40 | |
Were they a happy lot, do you think? | 0:08:40 | 0:08:43 | |
Or were they coming in with lots of emotional | 0:08:43 | 0:08:47 | |
and religious baggage | 0:08:47 | 0:08:49 | |
on account of the old country they had left behind? | 0:08:49 | 0:08:53 | |
Well, when they got here, they were interested in acquiring land and | 0:08:53 | 0:08:56 | |
they also knew that they were going to be facing potential hostiles. | 0:08:56 | 0:08:59 | |
And so they were not necessarily coming here with an open hand, | 0:08:59 | 0:09:03 | |
saying, "We want to be friends," you know. | 0:09:03 | 0:09:05 | |
They came here, for the most part, | 0:09:05 | 0:09:07 | |
interested in farming, if they could, | 0:09:07 | 0:09:09 | |
and they wanted to live at strategically important places. | 0:09:09 | 0:09:12 | |
That's why we call them today hillbillies and hilltoppers, | 0:09:12 | 0:09:15 | |
because they wanted to live up in the hills | 0:09:15 | 0:09:17 | |
where they could see the enemy coming. | 0:09:17 | 0:09:18 | |
For those Presbyterians, who were the enemy? | 0:09:18 | 0:09:21 | |
Who was it they thought was going to come and attack them on their hills? | 0:09:21 | 0:09:25 | |
Anybody who wasn't them. | 0:09:25 | 0:09:27 | |
It could be the English, | 0:09:27 | 0:09:29 | |
because they had a history of conflict with the English, | 0:09:29 | 0:09:32 | |
they had a history of conflict with the Catholics, | 0:09:32 | 0:09:34 | |
they had a history of conflict | 0:09:34 | 0:09:36 | |
with almost anybody who was not dissenting, if you will. | 0:09:36 | 0:09:39 | |
Some of those settlers, confident about who they were | 0:09:41 | 0:09:44 | |
and, just as importantly, who they weren't, | 0:09:44 | 0:09:47 | |
strode out into the untamed backcountry, | 0:09:47 | 0:09:50 | |
moving further south and west with each generation. | 0:09:50 | 0:09:53 | |
But at the end of the 18th century, the settlers' simple way of life | 0:10:05 | 0:10:08 | |
was transformed by something that changed the course | 0:10:08 | 0:10:12 | |
of this part of America forever. | 0:10:12 | 0:10:14 | |
It was the arrival of cotton. | 0:10:20 | 0:10:21 | |
To the frontier farmers, the economics were simple - | 0:10:24 | 0:10:27 | |
cotton was a cash crop that brought relatively easy money. | 0:10:27 | 0:10:31 | |
It also offered an easy life, | 0:10:32 | 0:10:34 | |
as long as those picking the cotton were slaves. | 0:10:34 | 0:10:38 | |
As the cotton industry grew, so did slavery. | 0:10:42 | 0:10:45 | |
By 1810, the number of slaves in the US rose to 1.2 million, | 0:10:45 | 0:10:50 | |
almost double what it was 20 years earlier. | 0:10:50 | 0:10:53 | |
Now the descendants of many oppressed and downtrodden | 0:10:57 | 0:11:01 | |
refugee Scots took the path of racism | 0:11:01 | 0:11:04 | |
to become oppressors themselves. | 0:11:04 | 0:11:07 | |
And their simple farmhouses became | 0:11:07 | 0:11:10 | |
increasingly grand plantation houses, | 0:11:10 | 0:11:14 | |
like this one, built in 1851 just outside Charleston | 0:11:14 | 0:11:18 | |
by William Wallace McLeod. | 0:11:18 | 0:11:20 | |
He owned one of the largest plantations in South Carolina, | 0:11:23 | 0:11:26 | |
but, like many, he never forgot his roots - | 0:11:26 | 0:11:29 | |
he called the grand house Inverness. | 0:11:29 | 0:11:32 | |
The impression planters wanted to give was one of affluence, | 0:11:34 | 0:11:38 | |
and the most striking display of wealth at that time was measured | 0:11:38 | 0:11:41 | |
by the number of slave cabins that lined the drive to the house. | 0:11:41 | 0:11:45 | |
Here, there were 23. | 0:11:48 | 0:11:50 | |
I asked Heather Williams to show me around. | 0:11:51 | 0:11:54 | |
Not only is she an expert in slavery in the South, | 0:11:54 | 0:11:57 | |
but she's known this place for some time. | 0:11:57 | 0:12:00 | |
When I first came to this place, | 0:12:00 | 0:12:02 | |
for me it was a really powerful sense of the past. | 0:12:02 | 0:12:08 | |
You know, the cabins... | 0:12:08 | 0:12:09 | |
It seemed as though slavery just ended one day and everybody | 0:12:09 | 0:12:13 | |
had packed up and left, and that I had been, in a sense, | 0:12:13 | 0:12:17 | |
transported back to that time period, the late 1860s. | 0:12:17 | 0:12:22 | |
In order for a society to survive, you need the top people who think | 0:12:22 | 0:12:27 | |
and then the people who do the work. | 0:12:27 | 0:12:29 | |
This is what James Henry Hammond said - he was a senator | 0:12:29 | 0:12:32 | |
from South Carolina, a governor and so on. | 0:12:32 | 0:12:36 | |
"You need a mudsill," he said, "in society, | 0:12:36 | 0:12:39 | |
"and we have found them in these Africans who are so well-suited | 0:12:39 | 0:12:42 | |
"to do the work that we don't want to do." | 0:12:42 | 0:12:44 | |
They were legally owned. | 0:12:56 | 0:12:59 | |
They could be sold, they could be traded, they could be given away, | 0:12:59 | 0:13:02 | |
they could be mortgaged. | 0:13:02 | 0:13:04 | |
People could transfer them. | 0:13:04 | 0:13:06 | |
There was this perpetual sense that they would be punished | 0:13:06 | 0:13:10 | |
if they didn't adhere to the rules of the place. | 0:13:10 | 0:13:13 | |
So would this be about as good as it gets for enslaved people? | 0:13:15 | 0:13:21 | |
This is... Yeah, I think I've seen cabins made of brick which might | 0:13:21 | 0:13:26 | |
have kept people a little bit warmer in the winter. | 0:13:26 | 0:13:29 | |
I would think that there would be at least six, seven people in here. | 0:13:29 | 0:13:33 | |
William Wallace McLeod enslaved up to 100 people on his plantation | 0:13:35 | 0:13:40 | |
while he lived the life of undoubted privilege. | 0:13:40 | 0:13:43 | |
Being here, in a place where slavery actually happened, | 0:13:55 | 0:14:00 | |
I have to admit I'm filled, for the first time, | 0:14:00 | 0:14:03 | |
with feelings of disbelief | 0:14:03 | 0:14:06 | |
at the surreal nature of the life that those elite whites | 0:14:06 | 0:14:12 | |
chose for themselves. | 0:14:12 | 0:14:14 | |
How you get to the point where you can enjoy a life | 0:14:14 | 0:14:19 | |
that is composed of people who are your captives, | 0:14:19 | 0:14:23 | |
who are around you in great numbers, every minute of the day, | 0:14:23 | 0:14:27 | |
doing things against their will for no pay... They cook your food, | 0:14:27 | 0:14:31 | |
they work in the fields, they fix up the house. | 0:14:31 | 0:14:35 | |
If it's a cold night, | 0:14:35 | 0:14:36 | |
you would order one of them to lie across your feet | 0:14:36 | 0:14:40 | |
on your bed so that you are warm. | 0:14:40 | 0:14:43 | |
At what point | 0:14:49 | 0:14:51 | |
does living like that feel in any sense normal? | 0:14:51 | 0:14:56 | |
And it was another Scot who provided the balm | 0:15:00 | 0:15:03 | |
that made all this seem legitimate. | 0:15:03 | 0:15:05 | |
By the mid-1800s, almost every house like this would have contained | 0:15:07 | 0:15:11 | |
some of the many romantic novels of Sir Walter Scott. | 0:15:11 | 0:15:15 | |
Scott's stories of gallant knights and brave highlanders, | 0:15:15 | 0:15:19 | |
set in a golden, mythical past, were wildly popular. | 0:15:19 | 0:15:23 | |
But according to the American writer Mark Twain | 0:15:27 | 0:15:31 | |
they merely fed this fantasy lifestyle. | 0:15:31 | 0:15:33 | |
Twain thought the planters were modelling their lives | 0:15:35 | 0:15:38 | |
on Scott's romantic vision of the old country, | 0:15:38 | 0:15:41 | |
imagining themselves as lairds of their own clan. | 0:15:41 | 0:15:44 | |
He wrote that the civilisation of the South in the 19th century | 0:15:46 | 0:15:49 | |
is curiously confused and commingled | 0:15:49 | 0:15:52 | |
with the Walter Scott middle-age sham civilisation. | 0:15:52 | 0:15:56 | |
The inflated speech and the jejune romanticism of an absurd past | 0:15:56 | 0:16:00 | |
that is dead and, out of charity, ought to be buried. | 0:16:00 | 0:16:04 | |
I think that for many people it felt as though it was something | 0:16:05 | 0:16:09 | |
they were entitled to, and I think that sense of entitlement | 0:16:09 | 0:16:14 | |
then passed from generation to generation. | 0:16:14 | 0:16:17 | |
You know, this sense that you are supposed to have | 0:16:17 | 0:16:20 | |
more than other people, | 0:16:20 | 0:16:22 | |
and that some people are supposed to serve and you are to be served. | 0:16:22 | 0:16:27 | |
Twain also thought that Scott's heroic romanticism | 0:16:27 | 0:16:31 | |
was partly responsible for the terrible war that followed. | 0:16:31 | 0:16:34 | |
The Northern states had wanted to limit the expansion of slavery | 0:16:39 | 0:16:42 | |
just as the worldwide demand for cotton was booming. | 0:16:42 | 0:16:46 | |
Southern state planters like William MacLeod | 0:16:46 | 0:16:49 | |
saw their whole lifestyle threatened and were willing to fight for it. | 0:16:49 | 0:16:53 | |
In 1861, the 11 slave states with cotton-based economies | 0:16:53 | 0:16:58 | |
left the Union, and a horrific four-year war began. | 0:16:58 | 0:17:02 | |
Now, 150 years later, | 0:17:07 | 0:17:09 | |
people flock to see the Civil War as entertainment, | 0:17:09 | 0:17:13 | |
and Living History groups meet regularly to replay the battles | 0:17:13 | 0:17:17 | |
again and again. | 0:17:17 | 0:17:18 | |
This one is at Fort Hollingsworth, in Georgia, | 0:17:18 | 0:17:21 | |
where re-enactors from all over the Southern states take part. | 0:17:21 | 0:17:26 | |
What is it important to remember by taking part in and watching | 0:17:26 | 0:17:31 | |
a re-enactment like this? | 0:17:31 | 0:17:32 | |
It's important to make sure that the people understand | 0:17:32 | 0:17:35 | |
what the history is all about. | 0:17:35 | 0:17:37 | |
It's important they remember that this is something that | 0:17:37 | 0:17:40 | |
their ancestors fought for, and something that's actually | 0:17:40 | 0:17:43 | |
a part of them. | 0:17:43 | 0:17:45 | |
This is something that they were born ingrained with, | 0:17:45 | 0:17:48 | |
and they should remember that. | 0:17:48 | 0:17:49 | |
What does define the ancestors? | 0:17:49 | 0:17:52 | |
They didn't leave any of their culture behind, | 0:17:52 | 0:17:55 | |
they just brought it here and used that culture | 0:17:55 | 0:17:58 | |
and created something completely new. | 0:17:58 | 0:18:01 | |
You know, even from the way we talk, | 0:18:01 | 0:18:03 | |
even down to the patterns in their clothes... | 0:18:03 | 0:18:06 | |
I mean, when the Scots came here, they brought with them the tartans. | 0:18:06 | 0:18:10 | |
Our way of life is probably closer to those in Scotland that are now | 0:18:10 | 0:18:15 | |
in this part of the country - we held on to a lot of their ways. | 0:18:15 | 0:18:18 | |
I think we do, yeah. I think we do. | 0:18:18 | 0:18:22 | |
What was lost when the war was lost? | 0:18:22 | 0:18:24 | |
The way we lived, actually. | 0:18:24 | 0:18:27 | |
They had plantations, a lot of folks had plantations and a lot of wealth, | 0:18:27 | 0:18:34 | |
and a lot of that was lost in the South. | 0:18:34 | 0:18:37 | |
They had to go back and start life over. | 0:18:37 | 0:18:40 | |
America's Civil War was immensely destructive. | 0:18:43 | 0:18:45 | |
Well over 500,000 soldiers died | 0:18:47 | 0:18:50 | |
and much of the South's infrastructure was ruined. | 0:18:50 | 0:18:53 | |
But, for many whites, the greatest fear of all had just come true - | 0:18:58 | 0:19:02 | |
the enslaved were now free. | 0:19:02 | 0:19:04 | |
Not only that, but black men could also vote, | 0:19:06 | 0:19:10 | |
just as the vengeful North took away the right to vote for those | 0:19:10 | 0:19:14 | |
that supported the Confederacy. | 0:19:14 | 0:19:16 | |
Like the Jacobites in Scotland 100 years earlier, | 0:19:20 | 0:19:24 | |
the Southern whites had lost everything. | 0:19:24 | 0:19:27 | |
But now they too had a lost cause to believe in. | 0:19:27 | 0:19:31 | |
That lost cause found its footing here, | 0:19:38 | 0:19:41 | |
in the neat streets of Pulaski, in Tennessee. | 0:19:41 | 0:19:45 | |
This is where things first started to turn ugly. | 0:19:45 | 0:19:49 | |
I've come to meet local historian Bob Wamble to find out | 0:19:51 | 0:19:54 | |
what happened in the town after the end of the Civil War. | 0:19:54 | 0:19:59 | |
Bob, when the war was over and the soldiers came back, | 0:19:59 | 0:20:02 | |
what did they find here in Pulaski? | 0:20:02 | 0:20:04 | |
Right here in town, where we are, | 0:20:04 | 0:20:07 | |
they found a courthouse, and that was pretty much it. | 0:20:07 | 0:20:10 | |
This entire side of the square was burnt to the ground. | 0:20:10 | 0:20:13 | |
-Really? -It was done by Union soldiers that were stationed here. | 0:20:13 | 0:20:16 | |
All these Confederate soldiers that came home and had nothing... | 0:20:18 | 0:20:21 | |
If they had owned a business before the war, it was gone, | 0:20:21 | 0:20:25 | |
it was burnt to the ground. | 0:20:25 | 0:20:26 | |
They had no government, they had no law, really. | 0:20:26 | 0:20:29 | |
Anybody that had supported the Confederacy couldn't vote, | 0:20:29 | 0:20:32 | |
so any law that was here, they didn't have a part of. | 0:20:32 | 0:20:35 | |
So they were effectively aliens in their own town? | 0:20:35 | 0:20:38 | |
Yes. This was their home, | 0:20:38 | 0:20:40 | |
but it wasn't their government. | 0:20:40 | 0:20:42 | |
The destruction here was typical of many towns in the South, | 0:20:51 | 0:20:54 | |
but this town has a claim to fame that it would rather forget. | 0:20:54 | 0:20:57 | |
One group of former Confederate officers, | 0:20:59 | 0:21:01 | |
bored and fearful of the future now that black men had the vote, | 0:21:01 | 0:21:05 | |
set up a secret fraternal society. | 0:21:05 | 0:21:08 | |
They drew on ancient Greek and their Scottish heritage for their name - | 0:21:08 | 0:21:13 | |
they called it the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:21:13 | 0:21:16 | |
This is the spot where the Klan was formed. | 0:21:19 | 0:21:22 | |
-Really? -The Ku Klux Klan... The six young men met here in this office | 0:21:22 | 0:21:28 | |
and decided they wanted to form an organisation. | 0:21:28 | 0:21:31 | |
This is a plaque showing that the people of Pulaski | 0:21:31 | 0:21:34 | |
were proud of the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:21:34 | 0:21:36 | |
The plaque is turned backwards. | 0:21:36 | 0:21:39 | |
About probably 20, 25 years ago... | 0:21:39 | 0:21:41 | |
-Oh, it's got its face to the wall now? -Its face is to the wall. | 0:21:41 | 0:21:45 | |
The man that owned this building turned it around like that. | 0:21:45 | 0:21:47 | |
So what's on the other side of the plaque? | 0:21:47 | 0:21:50 | |
Well, it lists the names of the young men | 0:21:50 | 0:21:52 | |
that formed the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:21:52 | 0:21:54 | |
I have a copy of it right here. | 0:21:54 | 0:21:58 | |
These are the key players. | 0:21:58 | 0:21:59 | |
Calvin Jones, John B Kennedy... | 0:21:59 | 0:22:02 | |
Frank O McCord, John C Lester, | 0:22:02 | 0:22:05 | |
Richard R Reed, James R Crowe. | 0:22:05 | 0:22:08 | |
They were all Confederate soldiers that had just come home | 0:22:08 | 0:22:12 | |
and just really didn't have anything better to do | 0:22:12 | 0:22:15 | |
than to form an organisation just for amusement. | 0:22:15 | 0:22:18 | |
They played their musical instruments, | 0:22:18 | 0:22:21 | |
sang songs and went out and serenaded the girls. | 0:22:21 | 0:22:24 | |
They were out hunting all the pretty girls of Pulaski. | 0:22:24 | 0:22:26 | |
Is that really all it was? In its first...? | 0:22:26 | 0:22:29 | |
In its first stages, that's all it was. | 0:22:29 | 0:22:32 | |
This photograph discovered by Bob is thought to show Frank McCord | 0:22:37 | 0:22:42 | |
and the rest of the original Klan. | 0:22:42 | 0:22:44 | |
It was John B Kennedy who apparently suggested that they should | 0:22:46 | 0:22:49 | |
call themselves a clan as they were all of Scotch-Irish descent. | 0:22:49 | 0:22:53 | |
Some of them were educated, obviously, | 0:22:54 | 0:22:57 | |
because they're drawing on Greek - kuklos is a circle, | 0:22:57 | 0:23:00 | |
and a clan is a family group that shares some kind of blood or a name, | 0:23:00 | 0:23:05 | |
a surname. | 0:23:05 | 0:23:07 | |
I think there's an intention there to declare yourself as a group | 0:23:07 | 0:23:12 | |
that will stand shoulder to shoulder against outsiders. | 0:23:12 | 0:23:16 | |
Pulaski has another revelation. | 0:23:22 | 0:23:24 | |
Tucked behind this storefront is a small-scale opera house, | 0:23:26 | 0:23:30 | |
a good place, it seems, to understand how the Klan moved | 0:23:30 | 0:23:33 | |
from make-believe to reality, according to author and academic | 0:23:33 | 0:23:38 | |
Elaine Frantz Parsons. | 0:23:38 | 0:23:40 | |
How amazing. Look at that. | 0:23:42 | 0:23:43 | |
For a town this size, it is impressive. | 0:23:45 | 0:23:48 | |
Created in 1867, almost exactly the same time as the Klan, | 0:23:48 | 0:23:53 | |
this theatre gives us a fascinating insight | 0:23:53 | 0:23:56 | |
into what might have influenced them. | 0:23:56 | 0:23:58 | |
They're trying to figure out who they are, | 0:23:58 | 0:24:00 | |
and they're really interested, particularly in culture. | 0:24:00 | 0:24:03 | |
They don't have power any more, they don't have politics, | 0:24:03 | 0:24:06 | |
but maybe they can keep culture, | 0:24:06 | 0:24:09 | |
they can create a culture that means something. | 0:24:09 | 0:24:11 | |
Particularly pretending they were in a different time and place, | 0:24:11 | 0:24:14 | |
pretending they were, you know, in the world of Sir Walter Scott or... | 0:24:14 | 0:24:18 | |
I think was very attractive. | 0:24:18 | 0:24:20 | |
Just a couple of years after the war, they start... | 0:24:20 | 0:24:22 | |
they embark on this, | 0:24:22 | 0:24:23 | |
and it's all about theatrical and make-believe. | 0:24:23 | 0:24:26 | |
Was that informing the Klan as well? | 0:24:26 | 0:24:29 | |
Was it about the costumes and pretence? | 0:24:29 | 0:24:31 | |
Yeah, I think that's a really good way to think about it, actually - | 0:24:31 | 0:24:34 | |
that the world, the real world, wasn't something that | 0:24:34 | 0:24:38 | |
they necessarily wanted to spend a lot of time in. | 0:24:38 | 0:24:40 | |
I think that part of what happened is that they realised that this play | 0:24:40 | 0:24:45 | |
that they were doing could be brought to bear on this competition, | 0:24:45 | 0:24:50 | |
this problem that they were having with black claims to rights. | 0:24:50 | 0:24:55 | |
If you were in the 19th century, and you're going to the theatre, | 0:24:55 | 0:24:58 | |
a lot of the time you were going to a minstrel show. | 0:24:58 | 0:25:01 | |
And the minstrel show wasn't all about making fun of black people, | 0:25:01 | 0:25:04 | |
but that was an important part of the minstrel show. | 0:25:04 | 0:25:07 | |
So part of what the Klan wanted to do was to force black people | 0:25:07 | 0:25:12 | |
into situations where they looked ludicrous or ridiculous. | 0:25:12 | 0:25:15 | |
What better way to do that than pretend like you're a monster | 0:25:15 | 0:25:19 | |
and attack them, and then tell everybody how scared they were | 0:25:19 | 0:25:23 | |
by this monster? | 0:25:23 | 0:25:24 | |
What flicks the switch from it being make-believe, | 0:25:24 | 0:25:28 | |
harmless costumes, music...? | 0:25:28 | 0:25:31 | |
What flicks the switch and turns it into something sinister? | 0:25:31 | 0:25:34 | |
We know that Frank McCord was trying to get up a mob. | 0:25:34 | 0:25:40 | |
During the time that the Klan seemed to have nothing to do with it, | 0:25:40 | 0:25:43 | |
he is also interested in racial violence. | 0:25:43 | 0:25:47 | |
The Klan soon moved on from theatricalities and threats - | 0:25:49 | 0:25:52 | |
it became more violent and better organised. | 0:25:52 | 0:25:56 | |
At the nearby State Museum in Nashville, | 0:25:56 | 0:25:58 | |
they have one of the few remaining documents from that time, | 0:25:58 | 0:26:01 | |
what is, in effect, the Klan's Constitution. | 0:26:01 | 0:26:04 | |
Oh, it's a tiny little sliver of a thing. | 0:26:05 | 0:26:07 | |
Yes. | 0:26:07 | 0:26:09 | |
So this is one of the few remaining copies of what was | 0:26:09 | 0:26:13 | |
the Constitution of the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:26:13 | 0:26:18 | |
You'll see at the front, this is the Constitution, | 0:26:18 | 0:26:21 | |
which they called the prescript, the prescript of the star, star, star, | 0:26:21 | 0:26:25 | |
which is what they used to stand for Ku Klux Klan. | 0:26:25 | 0:26:27 | |
I see, right. | 0:26:27 | 0:26:28 | |
And you have some Shakespearean verse and then down here... | 0:26:28 | 0:26:33 | |
-Burns. -We have Burns. | 0:26:33 | 0:26:34 | |
-So you can see you the Scottish influence here. -Absolutely, yes. | 0:26:34 | 0:26:39 | |
The Burns is about, | 0:26:39 | 0:26:41 | |
"A certain ghoul is rantin'..." A certain ghost is rantin', | 0:26:41 | 0:26:45 | |
"drinkin', we'll send him linkin' to your black pit. | 0:26:45 | 0:26:49 | |
"But faith he'll turn a corner jinkin', and cheat you yet." | 0:26:49 | 0:26:52 | |
So both are about things macabre. | 0:26:52 | 0:26:55 | |
Yes, but they're also high culture. | 0:26:55 | 0:26:57 | |
They're saying, "We aren't just a bunch of, you know, hayseeds." | 0:26:57 | 0:27:01 | |
It makes you wonder what Robert Burns himself would have thought | 0:27:01 | 0:27:03 | |
had he known that some of his verse was going to be included in such a document. | 0:27:03 | 0:27:06 | |
-Right. -You know, the man that writes, "A man's a man for a' that," | 0:27:06 | 0:27:09 | |
to then find one of his verses publicising the aspirations of | 0:27:09 | 0:27:16 | |
a society like the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:27:16 | 0:27:18 | |
The Klan now had rules and roles. | 0:27:20 | 0:27:23 | |
It had become a serious organisation, | 0:27:23 | 0:27:26 | |
an invisible army dedicated to re-establishing the status | 0:27:26 | 0:27:30 | |
of the Southern whites. | 0:27:30 | 0:27:31 | |
And this is what the Klan looked like. | 0:27:35 | 0:27:37 | |
This is an exact replica of one of the original outfits | 0:27:37 | 0:27:40 | |
they wore in Pulaski. | 0:27:40 | 0:27:43 | |
You can see how frightening that would be if somebody appeared | 0:27:43 | 0:27:47 | |
out of the dark dressed like that. | 0:27:47 | 0:27:49 | |
Absolutely terrifying. | 0:27:49 | 0:27:52 | |
It's important... These were not uniforms, these were costumes. | 0:27:52 | 0:27:55 | |
Right, these are expressing a cultural thing. | 0:27:55 | 0:27:58 | |
They're not expressing that they're... | 0:27:58 | 0:28:00 | |
It's not an army-like uniform. | 0:28:00 | 0:28:02 | |
This is a very chaotic mask. | 0:28:02 | 0:28:05 | |
Maybe this colourful thread up here, | 0:28:05 | 0:28:08 | |
this red thread, used to put this black eyebrow on - | 0:28:08 | 0:28:12 | |
that seems like it's deliberate. | 0:28:12 | 0:28:13 | |
You're meant to see how sloppily made this was. | 0:28:13 | 0:28:16 | |
Imagine if you opened your front door and that character | 0:28:16 | 0:28:19 | |
was standing there brandishing a weapon or whatever. | 0:28:19 | 0:28:22 | |
Yeah, it's very terrifying. | 0:28:22 | 0:28:24 | |
In Pulaski, the Klan became increasingly popular | 0:28:37 | 0:28:41 | |
with the white population, | 0:28:41 | 0:28:43 | |
News spread, especially as Frank McCord's brother | 0:28:43 | 0:28:46 | |
ran the local newspaper, the Pulaski Citizen. | 0:28:46 | 0:28:49 | |
The stories printed in the Citizen helped publicise the Klan | 0:28:51 | 0:28:54 | |
and reassured the white population that something was being done | 0:28:54 | 0:28:58 | |
to keep the former slaves in their place. | 0:28:58 | 0:29:01 | |
Many potential black voters received crude and menacing messages, | 0:29:02 | 0:29:07 | |
like this letter from a Ku Klux ghost, | 0:29:07 | 0:29:09 | |
ordering them which way to vote. | 0:29:09 | 0:29:12 | |
Other copycat Klans were soon formed by more bored and bitter Southerners | 0:29:14 | 0:29:19 | |
in nearby states, | 0:29:19 | 0:29:20 | |
only now the theatricalities had turned very ugly indeed. | 0:29:20 | 0:29:24 | |
Groups of white men would come out in the evening | 0:29:26 | 0:29:30 | |
to a home, a cabin, and find the man of the house there, | 0:29:30 | 0:29:35 | |
take him from his home and then they would either whip them | 0:29:35 | 0:29:39 | |
to try to tell them to change their behaviour, | 0:29:39 | 0:29:42 | |
to punish them for something that they'd apparently done, | 0:29:42 | 0:29:45 | |
or they would kill that person, | 0:29:45 | 0:29:47 | |
kill them either by shooting them or by hanging them. | 0:29:47 | 0:29:50 | |
What happened when the Klan spread was that existing | 0:29:53 | 0:29:56 | |
white-on-black violence, which was pervasive, | 0:29:56 | 0:30:00 | |
right, throughout the South already, | 0:30:00 | 0:30:02 | |
that comes to be called "Klan violence". | 0:30:02 | 0:30:06 | |
And when it comes to be called Klan violence, it gets worse, | 0:30:06 | 0:30:10 | |
you know, people have an additional impetus, | 0:30:10 | 0:30:13 | |
they feel like they're part of a collective project, | 0:30:13 | 0:30:15 | |
they're doing something for the South. | 0:30:15 | 0:30:18 | |
They're not just some guy attacking their black neighbour | 0:30:18 | 0:30:21 | |
who is competing with them for property rights - | 0:30:21 | 0:30:25 | |
they are now a Klan or a Ku Klux. | 0:30:25 | 0:30:27 | |
By the late 1860s, a reign of terror existed | 0:30:33 | 0:30:36 | |
throughout much of the former Confederacy. | 0:30:36 | 0:30:39 | |
By the time the federal government had brought in legislation | 0:30:50 | 0:30:53 | |
against the Klan, much of the group's work had already been done. | 0:30:53 | 0:30:57 | |
Violence had successfully kept most blacks from the polls, | 0:30:57 | 0:31:01 | |
and the few that had taken up any civic office | 0:31:01 | 0:31:04 | |
had already been brutally beaten or hung. | 0:31:04 | 0:31:07 | |
With the black population now successfully terrorised, | 0:31:14 | 0:31:17 | |
white state governments brought in laws that segregated the races. | 0:31:17 | 0:31:21 | |
They were mockingly known as Jim Crow laws, | 0:31:24 | 0:31:27 | |
after a black character in a minstrel show. | 0:31:27 | 0:31:30 | |
Now, living separate lives, | 0:31:33 | 0:31:36 | |
the white population of the Southern states relaxed, | 0:31:36 | 0:31:39 | |
less fearful of those who were "not them". | 0:31:39 | 0:31:42 | |
Except the fear never really went away. | 0:31:43 | 0:31:46 | |
This is Atlanta, now the bustling modern business hub | 0:31:55 | 0:31:59 | |
of the Deep South. | 0:31:59 | 0:32:00 | |
In the early 1900s, it was also the place where the Klan was reborn. | 0:32:01 | 0:32:07 | |
We might never have heard from the Klan again | 0:32:07 | 0:32:09 | |
but for the efforts of one man, Thomas Dixon. | 0:32:09 | 0:32:13 | |
He wrote this book - | 0:32:13 | 0:32:14 | |
it published in 1905 and in it he transformed the members of the Klan | 0:32:14 | 0:32:20 | |
from villains into heroes. | 0:32:20 | 0:32:22 | |
Dixon was born in North Carolina, | 0:32:23 | 0:32:26 | |
the son of a Scots minister and plantation owner. | 0:32:26 | 0:32:28 | |
He went on to become a Southern Baptist minister, | 0:32:30 | 0:32:33 | |
lawyer and author. | 0:32:33 | 0:32:34 | |
His novel was called The Clansman, and it was a big seller. | 0:32:37 | 0:32:40 | |
It was subtitled A Historical Romance Of The Ku Klux Klan, | 0:32:43 | 0:32:48 | |
and it imagined a future where the racial divide is reversed, | 0:32:48 | 0:32:53 | |
and it is the white man that is in chains. | 0:32:53 | 0:32:56 | |
Now, I'm sure if you were to take the time to wade through this tome, | 0:32:59 | 0:33:02 | |
you would agree that it's pretty dreadful. | 0:33:02 | 0:33:05 | |
I offer you part of one chapter in which Dixon imagines | 0:33:05 | 0:33:10 | |
a future for America in which the black man is in charge. | 0:33:10 | 0:33:15 | |
"As he passed inside the doors of the House of Representatives, | 0:33:15 | 0:33:18 | |
"the rush of foul air staggered him. | 0:33:18 | 0:33:20 | |
"The hall was packed with Negroes smoking, chewing, jabbering, | 0:33:20 | 0:33:24 | |
"pushing, perspiring. The doctor surveyed the hall in dismay. | 0:33:24 | 0:33:28 | |
"At first, not a white member was visible. | 0:33:28 | 0:33:31 | |
"The galleries were packed with Negroes, | 0:33:31 | 0:33:33 | |
"the Speaker presiding was a Negro. | 0:33:33 | 0:33:35 | |
"The clerk, a Negro. The doorkeepers, Negroes. | 0:33:35 | 0:33:38 | |
"The little pages, all coal-black Negroes. | 0:33:38 | 0:33:41 | |
"The remains of Aryan civilisation were represented by 23 white men | 0:33:41 | 0:33:46 | |
"from the Scotch-Irish hill counties." | 0:33:46 | 0:33:49 | |
When the book was published, it caused a literary explosion, | 0:33:53 | 0:33:57 | |
and when it transferred to the stage as a play, it provoked riots, | 0:33:57 | 0:34:01 | |
not just in this city, but all across America. | 0:34:01 | 0:34:04 | |
When the play premiered at the Grand Opera House | 0:34:08 | 0:34:11 | |
here in Atlanta, in October 1905, | 0:34:11 | 0:34:13 | |
the segregated audience went wild. | 0:34:13 | 0:34:17 | |
Tom Rice has studied what happened. | 0:34:17 | 0:34:19 | |
The report stressed that the house lights were kept on, | 0:34:19 | 0:34:23 | |
the sale of soda bottles was prohibited because they were worried | 0:34:23 | 0:34:26 | |
they were going to get hurled around the theatre. | 0:34:26 | 0:34:29 | |
Absolutely, it tapped into this culture of fear, | 0:34:29 | 0:34:33 | |
these anxieties about racial integration and race relations | 0:34:33 | 0:34:38 | |
that were really prevalent in Atlanta and across the South | 0:34:38 | 0:34:41 | |
at this moment. | 0:34:41 | 0:34:43 | |
Dixon took his Scottish heritage and paraded it in his work. | 0:34:43 | 0:34:47 | |
Inside the front cover of his novel, the dedication reads... | 0:34:47 | 0:34:51 | |
And it's not the only reference to a Scottish past. | 0:35:01 | 0:35:04 | |
Clearly, the title, The Clansman, | 0:35:04 | 0:35:06 | |
does make a connection with the Scottish roots here. | 0:35:06 | 0:35:09 | |
We can see it even in the title of the main family here, the Camerons. | 0:35:09 | 0:35:13 | |
"It was settled by the Scotch folk who came from the north of Ireland | 0:35:13 | 0:35:16 | |
"in the great migrations which gave America 300,000 people | 0:35:16 | 0:35:19 | |
"of Covenanter martyr blood, | 0:35:19 | 0:35:21 | |
"the largest and most important addition to our population." | 0:35:21 | 0:35:23 | |
So he's really thinking about the make-up of the American South | 0:35:23 | 0:35:28 | |
and this area, but in turn, also, of the Klan, | 0:35:28 | 0:35:31 | |
what would create the Ku Klux Klan here. | 0:35:31 | 0:35:34 | |
"High above his head in the darkness of the cave, | 0:35:34 | 0:35:36 | |
"he lifted the blazing emblem, the fiery cross of old Scotland's Hill. | 0:35:36 | 0:35:40 | |
"I quench its flames in the sweetest blood | 0:35:40 | 0:35:42 | |
"that ever stained the sands of time." | 0:35:42 | 0:35:45 | |
And here we've got the fiery cross - | 0:35:45 | 0:35:47 | |
this is not a feature of the original Klan, | 0:35:47 | 0:35:49 | |
it's created here by Dixon. | 0:35:49 | 0:35:51 | |
It would become one of the most identifiable symbols of race hatred, | 0:35:51 | 0:35:57 | |
of the Ku Klux Klan, | 0:35:57 | 0:35:59 | |
and is still, today, widely identified with the Klan. | 0:35:59 | 0:36:03 | |
Here he is saying, this is the fiery cross of old Scotland's Hills. | 0:36:03 | 0:36:06 | |
He is creating a history and a heritage for this here. | 0:36:06 | 0:36:09 | |
The full impact of Dixon's novel was felt much more widely when, | 0:36:13 | 0:36:17 | |
ten years after its publication, it was released as a film, touted then, | 0:36:17 | 0:36:23 | |
and still lauded now, as an epic of its time. | 0:36:23 | 0:36:26 | |
The Birth Of A Nation, directed by Hollywood superstar DW Griffith, | 0:36:29 | 0:36:34 | |
let Dixon's work reach a much bigger audience, and it was a massive hit. | 0:36:34 | 0:36:38 | |
The budget was huge and the direction was ground-breaking, | 0:36:41 | 0:36:44 | |
but the story was as racist as Dixon's book. | 0:36:44 | 0:36:48 | |
Charlene Regester is a film academic | 0:36:58 | 0:37:01 | |
and remembers her first reaction. | 0:37:01 | 0:37:03 | |
I saw Birth Of A Nation when I was a graduate student. | 0:37:03 | 0:37:06 | |
Of course, some of the scenes that we saw were very inflammatory. | 0:37:06 | 0:37:10 | |
They showed us the alleged rape scene, | 0:37:10 | 0:37:15 | |
the scene where Gus is chasing the woman | 0:37:15 | 0:37:19 | |
who jumps off the cliff onto the ground and so, | 0:37:19 | 0:37:23 | |
you know, it was very offensive then, | 0:37:23 | 0:37:26 | |
and it's probably still equally offensive today. | 0:37:26 | 0:37:29 | |
It was a racially incisive story, | 0:37:29 | 0:37:31 | |
and it was about black male predators, | 0:37:31 | 0:37:34 | |
black male racists, it was about miscegenation, | 0:37:34 | 0:37:37 | |
and it was about the Ku Klux Klan rescuing the South, | 0:37:37 | 0:37:41 | |
and white supremacy. | 0:37:41 | 0:37:42 | |
I think all of the variables together | 0:37:42 | 0:37:45 | |
is what made it so volatile. | 0:37:45 | 0:37:47 | |
Did the film work as a PR exercise for the Klan? | 0:37:47 | 0:37:53 | |
They certainly made them almost appear as though they were heroic. | 0:37:53 | 0:37:57 | |
And also, at the end of the film, | 0:37:57 | 0:37:59 | |
they have one of the white characters | 0:37:59 | 0:38:01 | |
who unveils as a Klan member... | 0:38:01 | 0:38:03 | |
They're making them look like they are the saviours of the day, | 0:38:05 | 0:38:08 | |
they saved the South, | 0:38:08 | 0:38:10 | |
and certainly coincided with the rise of the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:38:10 | 0:38:15 | |
I think it glamorised the Klan and made it a desirable organisation | 0:38:17 | 0:38:22 | |
to belong to as a way of restoring order and, I guess, | 0:38:22 | 0:38:26 | |
of instituting white supremacy nationwide. | 0:38:26 | 0:38:29 | |
Just outside Atlanta, soaring out of the landscape, | 0:38:33 | 0:38:37 | |
is a curious monolith called Stone Mountain. | 0:38:37 | 0:38:40 | |
Carved on its side is a vast memorial | 0:38:40 | 0:38:43 | |
to the Confederate leaders of the Civil War. | 0:38:43 | 0:38:45 | |
-TOUR GUIDE: -All right, everybody, | 0:38:48 | 0:38:50 | |
the mountain is thought to be about 350 million years old. | 0:38:50 | 0:38:53 | |
Only a small portion of the mountain's actually this old... | 0:38:53 | 0:38:57 | |
But long before the carving was completed, people came here | 0:38:57 | 0:39:01 | |
to pay homage to something that happened directly as a result | 0:39:01 | 0:39:04 | |
of Griffith's film. | 0:39:04 | 0:39:06 | |
It turns out that that film was a revelation | 0:39:08 | 0:39:11 | |
for at least one cinemagoer. | 0:39:11 | 0:39:13 | |
He was a Methodist preacher and his name was William Joseph Simmons, | 0:39:14 | 0:39:17 | |
and he took all he'd seen and heard | 0:39:17 | 0:39:19 | |
and he brought it here to this mountaintop. | 0:39:19 | 0:39:22 | |
He was accompanied that day, the eve of Thanksgiving in 1915, | 0:39:22 | 0:39:26 | |
with 15 like-minded souls, and they had come for a bizarre ceremony. | 0:39:26 | 0:39:29 | |
What they wanted to do first of all was to build an altar. | 0:39:31 | 0:39:35 | |
Once it was built, Simmons placed three things on that altar - | 0:39:35 | 0:39:39 | |
an American flag, a Bible, and a sword unsheathed. | 0:39:39 | 0:39:42 | |
Then he set fire to a crudely made wooden cross. | 0:39:45 | 0:39:48 | |
At that moment, he declared himself to be, get this, | 0:39:48 | 0:39:53 | |
The Imperial Wizard of the Invisible Empire | 0:39:53 | 0:39:56 | |
of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:39:56 | 0:39:59 | |
The KKK was back. | 0:39:59 | 0:40:02 | |
But this time, the Klan would be different. | 0:40:02 | 0:40:05 | |
It would be political, | 0:40:05 | 0:40:06 | |
it would be obsessed with power, | 0:40:06 | 0:40:08 | |
and, most significantly of all, it would be big, | 0:40:08 | 0:40:12 | |
very, very big. | 0:40:12 | 0:40:13 | |
And with changing immigration, the Klan now had a whole new range | 0:40:16 | 0:40:20 | |
of targets they thought threatened the lives of Southern people. | 0:40:20 | 0:40:24 | |
The new Klan's focus wasn't just on black people - | 0:40:24 | 0:40:28 | |
Jews, Catholics and Mexicans also became targets of the organisation. | 0:40:28 | 0:40:32 | |
To get an insight into this second Klan, | 0:40:38 | 0:40:40 | |
I've come to the small estate of author William Rawlings, | 0:40:40 | 0:40:44 | |
just outside the town of Sandersville, in Georgia. | 0:40:44 | 0:40:47 | |
The Klan's mantra at this time, it's recruiting mantra was... | 0:40:50 | 0:40:55 | |
Can be summed up as being 100% Americanism. | 0:40:55 | 0:40:58 | |
Support of the Constitution, just laws, anti-immigration. | 0:40:58 | 0:41:02 | |
People that joined the Klan during the early 1920s joined not because | 0:41:02 | 0:41:06 | |
they had some agenda but because the message of the Klan was, | 0:41:06 | 0:41:09 | |
"We want to do a good thing for America. We want to, perhaps, | 0:41:09 | 0:41:13 | |
"keep these immigrants out, these Chinese in California, | 0:41:13 | 0:41:15 | |
"these Mexicans on the border sites." | 0:41:15 | 0:41:18 | |
But the new Klan was as oppressive as the first. | 0:41:18 | 0:41:21 | |
Say you live in a town, and the Klan is in the town, and you don't know | 0:41:21 | 0:41:24 | |
who the members are, but maybe | 0:41:24 | 0:41:26 | |
your best friend's in there, they may not be. | 0:41:26 | 0:41:28 | |
You don't know if the policeman on the corner is a member of the Klan. | 0:41:28 | 0:41:31 | |
Perhaps your minister's a member of the Klan. | 0:41:31 | 0:41:33 | |
And they liked it that way. | 0:41:33 | 0:41:35 | |
They could go to a merchant, for example, and say, | 0:41:35 | 0:41:37 | |
"You know, we're the Klan - we can tell people not to trade with you." | 0:41:37 | 0:41:40 | |
The merchant would say, "Gee, I better support the Klan." | 0:41:40 | 0:41:42 | |
You never knew how many people were members of the Klan. | 0:41:42 | 0:41:45 | |
Once they developed the reputation for not only intimidation | 0:41:45 | 0:41:49 | |
but action, then frequently all they had to do was simply say, | 0:41:49 | 0:41:52 | |
"We're watching you." | 0:41:52 | 0:41:54 | |
And that was all that was needed. | 0:41:54 | 0:41:56 | |
Klan violence directly affected William Rawlings's family. | 0:41:57 | 0:42:01 | |
Although they had owned a slave plantation, | 0:42:01 | 0:42:04 | |
everyone was a potential target. | 0:42:04 | 0:42:07 | |
My family had an unfortunate experience with the Klan. | 0:42:07 | 0:42:10 | |
Uncle Charlie was a bit of a philanderer, | 0:42:10 | 0:42:13 | |
I guess that's the best way to say it. | 0:42:13 | 0:42:14 | |
Not only did he have his girlfriends, | 0:42:14 | 0:42:16 | |
his interests also crossed racial lines. | 0:42:16 | 0:42:19 | |
He sired a number of mixed-race children, which was not exactly | 0:42:19 | 0:42:25 | |
the socially acceptable thing of the day to do. | 0:42:25 | 0:42:28 | |
He was, allegedly, according to family history, warned by the Klan, | 0:42:28 | 0:42:31 | |
and when he ignored them, because he was a very wealthy and powerful man, | 0:42:31 | 0:42:34 | |
when he ignored them, they simply waylaid him on a country road. | 0:42:34 | 0:42:37 | |
He had his own chauffeur, a guy named Hal Hooks, a black man. | 0:42:37 | 0:42:40 | |
They put a tree across the road. When Hal Hooks went to move | 0:42:40 | 0:42:44 | |
the tree, all of a sudden Klansmen emerged from the forest. | 0:42:44 | 0:42:48 | |
They told Hooks to stand to one side and they castrated Uncle Charlie. | 0:42:48 | 0:42:52 | |
-Castrated him? -They castrated him, | 0:42:54 | 0:42:56 | |
and he lived the remainder of his life without part of his anatomy. | 0:42:56 | 0:43:00 | |
MUSIC: Chains And Things by BB King | 0:43:02 | 0:43:04 | |
How big did it get? | 0:43:25 | 0:43:26 | |
What was the high point? | 0:43:26 | 0:43:27 | |
For a very brief period of time, 1924, 1925, | 0:43:27 | 0:43:31 | |
they were one of the most powerful social and political organisations | 0:43:31 | 0:43:34 | |
in the United States - | 0:43:34 | 0:43:36 | |
around 5 million members at its peak in 1925. | 0:43:36 | 0:43:40 | |
You know, it was a tremendous number of people that joined the Klan. | 0:43:40 | 0:43:43 | |
Perhaps the high point of the Klan was the march in August 1925 | 0:43:45 | 0:43:50 | |
where an estimated... As many as 150,000 robed Klansmen | 0:43:50 | 0:43:55 | |
marched down Pennsylvania Avenue. | 0:43:55 | 0:43:58 | |
It's a terribly frightening image, | 0:44:00 | 0:44:02 | |
to see Pennsylvania Avenue with the Capitol dome in the background, | 0:44:02 | 0:44:06 | |
and an endless stream of white-robed Klansmen | 0:44:06 | 0:44:08 | |
marching down the street. | 0:44:08 | 0:44:10 | |
You know, is this what America has become? | 0:44:10 | 0:44:12 | |
The Klan of the 1920s failed eventually | 0:44:19 | 0:44:22 | |
because people figured them out. | 0:44:22 | 0:44:25 | |
People began to say, you know, | 0:44:25 | 0:44:27 | |
these people are not really what I want America to be. | 0:44:27 | 0:44:30 | |
These people are beating, flogging, these people are judge, | 0:44:30 | 0:44:33 | |
jury and executioner rolled into one. | 0:44:33 | 0:44:35 | |
This is not the American way. We should reject the Klan. | 0:44:35 | 0:44:38 | |
The Klan may have been rejected, | 0:44:41 | 0:44:43 | |
but racial hatred and discrimination remained. | 0:44:43 | 0:44:46 | |
Here is one of the many places in the South where the law itself | 0:44:53 | 0:44:58 | |
was used to discriminate. | 0:44:58 | 0:45:00 | |
This is the former railway terminal building in Macon, Georgia. | 0:45:00 | 0:45:03 | |
It's a fantastically impressive building, big stone frontage. | 0:45:03 | 0:45:06 | |
Now, that's the main entrance down there | 0:45:06 | 0:45:09 | |
with the eagles above it and the pillars. | 0:45:09 | 0:45:11 | |
Off to one side, though, is a separate entrance, | 0:45:11 | 0:45:14 | |
and if you look above the door, look what it says... | 0:45:14 | 0:45:16 | |
"Colored Waiting Room." | 0:45:16 | 0:45:17 | |
This is a relic, an artefact of the Jim Crow laws, | 0:45:17 | 0:45:21 | |
which were touted as keeping the white people and the black people | 0:45:21 | 0:45:25 | |
of America separate but equal. | 0:45:25 | 0:45:27 | |
The Jim Crow laws reflected the mind-set of those that wanted | 0:45:34 | 0:45:38 | |
the races to be separate forever. | 0:45:38 | 0:45:40 | |
They not only mandated the segregation of public transport, | 0:45:40 | 0:45:44 | |
but public schools, public places and the segregation of restrooms, | 0:45:44 | 0:45:49 | |
restaurants and even drinking fountains. | 0:45:49 | 0:45:51 | |
Black and white lived separate but rarely equal lives. | 0:45:53 | 0:45:57 | |
It took until the 1950s for the Federal Court to declare | 0:46:00 | 0:46:03 | |
that segregation in state schools was unconstitutional. | 0:46:03 | 0:46:07 | |
The black population celebrated, | 0:46:08 | 0:46:11 | |
but the Southern states were having none of it. | 0:46:11 | 0:46:14 | |
I'm finishing my journey in America's Deep South | 0:46:14 | 0:46:17 | |
here in Alabama, the heart of the fight against civil rights. | 0:46:17 | 0:46:22 | |
Montgomery, the state capital, became the epicentre, | 0:46:24 | 0:46:28 | |
and these steps, the backdrop to much of the rhetoric. | 0:46:28 | 0:46:31 | |
I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before | 0:46:31 | 0:46:35 | |
the feet of tyranny, and I say segregation now, | 0:46:35 | 0:46:39 | |
segregation tomorrow, | 0:46:39 | 0:46:41 | |
and segregation forever. | 0:46:41 | 0:46:43 | |
Governor George Wallace spoke with the mind-set of those | 0:46:46 | 0:46:49 | |
that elected him. | 0:46:49 | 0:46:50 | |
The Klan, too, raised its costumed head again. | 0:46:55 | 0:46:58 | |
And when around 3,000 people | 0:46:59 | 0:47:01 | |
attended another rally at Stone Mountain, | 0:47:01 | 0:47:04 | |
it was clear that the Klan was back in force for the third time, | 0:47:04 | 0:47:09 | |
and their tactics, again, would be violent. | 0:47:09 | 0:47:12 | |
The fight for the soul of the South came to its ugliest point | 0:47:14 | 0:47:18 | |
in the 1960s in the battle between the Civil Rights Movement | 0:47:18 | 0:47:21 | |
and the Klansmen. | 0:47:21 | 0:47:23 | |
The Klan's brazen violence and murders eventually pushed | 0:47:23 | 0:47:27 | |
President Johnson's federal government | 0:47:27 | 0:47:29 | |
to make a full-scale assault on the Ku Klux Klan. | 0:47:29 | 0:47:33 | |
Their loyalty is not to the United States of America, | 0:47:33 | 0:47:37 | |
but instead to a hooded society of bigots. | 0:47:37 | 0:47:41 | |
So if Klansmen hear my voice today, | 0:47:41 | 0:47:44 | |
let it be both an appeal | 0:47:44 | 0:47:47 | |
and a warning | 0:47:47 | 0:47:50 | |
to get out of the Ku Klux Klan now. | 0:47:50 | 0:47:53 | |
Leading members of the Klan were prosecuted by the FBI, | 0:47:55 | 0:47:58 | |
and once again America's most feared hate group appeared to be defeated. | 0:47:58 | 0:48:02 | |
But, despite the success of the Civil Rights Movement, | 0:48:05 | 0:48:08 | |
that Southern mind-set didn't go away. | 0:48:08 | 0:48:11 | |
It's still with us today. | 0:48:11 | 0:48:13 | |
In the last 50 years, there's been an explosion | 0:48:16 | 0:48:18 | |
of hate groups in America. | 0:48:18 | 0:48:21 | |
In 2015, it was estimated that there were 892 hate groups in the US, | 0:48:21 | 0:48:26 | |
including anti-government militias, neo-Nazis, neo-Confederates | 0:48:26 | 0:48:31 | |
and 190 separate Ku Klux Klan groups. | 0:48:31 | 0:48:35 | |
The League of the South is one that is often described as a hate group. | 0:48:36 | 0:48:40 | |
It advocates rolling back time, | 0:48:41 | 0:48:43 | |
creating a separate Southern society run by Anglo-Celts. | 0:48:43 | 0:48:48 | |
I've got an e-mail from Dr Michael Hill, | 0:48:48 | 0:48:51 | |
leader of The League of the South, | 0:48:51 | 0:48:53 | |
and he's suggesting meeting at the post office parking lot | 0:48:53 | 0:48:56 | |
in Killen at 9am. | 0:48:56 | 0:48:58 | |
I think we have our man. | 0:49:01 | 0:49:03 | |
Dr Hill? Hello, I'm Neil. | 0:49:07 | 0:49:09 | |
-It's nice to meet you, sir. -Nice to meet you too, sir. -Good to be here. | 0:49:09 | 0:49:12 | |
-Good. Is it OK if we put a microphone on you? -Sure. | 0:49:12 | 0:49:17 | |
I think that's one thing about Southerners, you know, | 0:49:17 | 0:49:19 | |
we're known for our hospitality. | 0:49:19 | 0:49:22 | |
But we're also very suspicious of outsiders. | 0:49:22 | 0:49:25 | |
Now, I'm not suspicious of you folks because I know where you come from, | 0:49:25 | 0:49:29 | |
and I know that, basically, you're... | 0:49:29 | 0:49:31 | |
You and I come from the same people. | 0:49:31 | 0:49:34 | |
You know, so it's different. | 0:49:34 | 0:49:35 | |
But people come around here from other places, and Southerners | 0:49:35 | 0:49:39 | |
are not so hospitable until they get to know you. | 0:49:39 | 0:49:42 | |
If you're a nationalist, what's your nation? | 0:49:42 | 0:49:45 | |
My nation is my people. | 0:49:45 | 0:49:47 | |
-Not America? -No. | 0:49:47 | 0:49:48 | |
America's not my nation. | 0:49:48 | 0:49:50 | |
If your nation is family, what is your family? | 0:49:50 | 0:49:52 | |
You mean literally people who are blood? | 0:49:52 | 0:49:54 | |
Yes, exactly. Blood. Blood kin. | 0:49:54 | 0:49:56 | |
I mean, that is what a nation is. | 0:49:56 | 0:49:59 | |
But you know as well as I do that the Scots have always been big | 0:49:59 | 0:50:02 | |
on fictive kinship. You're sort of in the clan, in the family. | 0:50:02 | 0:50:07 | |
My family is... | 0:50:07 | 0:50:09 | |
Southern people | 0:50:09 | 0:50:12 | |
and people who are related to us by genetics, back in the old country. | 0:50:12 | 0:50:17 | |
America's not a nation, | 0:50:17 | 0:50:19 | |
America is a multicultural empire. | 0:50:19 | 0:50:22 | |
I want nothing to do with it. | 0:50:22 | 0:50:23 | |
It has nothing for me. | 0:50:23 | 0:50:25 | |
Is the church shooting in Charleston | 0:50:32 | 0:50:35 | |
an inevitable consequence of that kind of grievance? | 0:50:35 | 0:50:39 | |
I think you just had a disturbed young man. | 0:50:39 | 0:50:41 | |
He doesn't come from nowhere, though? | 0:50:41 | 0:50:43 | |
-He doesn't pop-out... -No, no. | 0:50:43 | 0:50:45 | |
He's from a context. | 0:50:45 | 0:50:47 | |
He is from a context. | 0:50:47 | 0:50:49 | |
The minute I saw that he had a Confederate flag, I said, | 0:50:49 | 0:50:54 | |
"Oh, they will take this and use it." | 0:50:54 | 0:50:56 | |
If the Left wants to use Dylann Roof as the archetype | 0:50:56 | 0:51:02 | |
of everybody that thinks like I do, | 0:51:02 | 0:51:04 | |
then we're going to have to have fair play on the other side. | 0:51:04 | 0:51:07 | |
Every time a black person kills a white person, | 0:51:07 | 0:51:10 | |
we're going to have to just examine that for, you know... | 0:51:10 | 0:51:14 | |
inside and out. | 0:51:14 | 0:51:15 | |
Why it happened, the circumstances, the hatred behind it, | 0:51:15 | 0:51:21 | |
but it doesn't get done. | 0:51:21 | 0:51:22 | |
How likely is it that your way of thinking will... | 0:51:22 | 0:51:26 | |
come to pass? | 0:51:26 | 0:51:28 | |
I'm a realist about this. | 0:51:28 | 0:51:30 | |
If you look out in the world | 0:51:30 | 0:51:31 | |
right now, you see that the other side looks like they're winning. | 0:51:31 | 0:51:34 | |
It won't win. My side will win, | 0:51:34 | 0:51:36 | |
mainly because it is the natural way that human beings have always lived. | 0:51:36 | 0:51:42 | |
This is an anomaly period that we're living in, | 0:51:42 | 0:51:45 | |
and I can see the end of it. | 0:51:45 | 0:51:47 | |
The pendulum will swing back to a more normal-type human existence. | 0:51:47 | 0:51:50 | |
So I think I'm on the right side of not only history | 0:51:50 | 0:51:55 | |
but human nature. | 0:51:55 | 0:51:56 | |
It's just so pessimistic and depressing to me | 0:51:56 | 0:51:58 | |
to think that a people, | 0:51:58 | 0:51:59 | |
given the opportunity to create a new world, | 0:51:59 | 0:52:01 | |
-and that was the expression that was in use at the time... -Sure, I know. | 0:52:01 | 0:52:04 | |
They came out so full of ideas like the pursuit of happiness | 0:52:04 | 0:52:08 | |
and equality and religious freedom, | 0:52:08 | 0:52:11 | |
and all of that, and yet they created... | 0:52:11 | 0:52:15 | |
They were part of a world that became a misery for millions. | 0:52:15 | 0:52:18 | |
I find that, just, sad. | 0:52:18 | 0:52:20 | |
I know, but what does it tell you? | 0:52:20 | 0:52:21 | |
It tells you that there can be no utopias, | 0:52:21 | 0:52:24 | |
because man is a fallen creature and he's always going to behave | 0:52:24 | 0:52:27 | |
like a fallen creature. | 0:52:27 | 0:52:29 | |
He's always going to fuck it up. | 0:52:30 | 0:52:33 | |
I suppose as someone who has, perhaps, | 0:52:36 | 0:52:37 | |
a naive hope in the brotherhood of mankind... | 0:52:37 | 0:52:42 | |
If he's right, then, | 0:52:44 | 0:52:46 | |
I just feel... | 0:52:46 | 0:52:48 | |
..we're never going to get anywhere. | 0:52:49 | 0:52:51 | |
If there was ever an indication that history is alive, then it's here. | 0:52:51 | 0:52:56 | |
You know, a set of events unfolded here 200-and-odd years ago and the | 0:52:56 | 0:53:03 | |
consequences of them, the reality of the world that was created then, | 0:53:03 | 0:53:07 | |
are still 100% here. | 0:53:07 | 0:53:11 | |
You feel as if we're not going anywhere. | 0:53:11 | 0:53:14 | |
It's so dispiriting to hear someone using my Scottish ancestry | 0:53:18 | 0:53:23 | |
in support of views that could give rise to hatred. | 0:53:23 | 0:53:26 | |
I'm heading back to the state capital to get a second opinion | 0:53:29 | 0:53:32 | |
on Michael Hill's thinking. | 0:53:32 | 0:53:34 | |
Mark Potok keeps tabs on hate groups at the Southern Poverty Law Center, | 0:53:34 | 0:53:40 | |
and he has monitored the development of The League Of The South | 0:53:40 | 0:53:42 | |
for some time. | 0:53:42 | 0:53:44 | |
I've heard mention of the potential for a race war. | 0:53:44 | 0:53:48 | |
Is that just meaningless hyperbole? | 0:53:48 | 0:53:52 | |
Well, look, I mean a race war is the wet dream of all of these groups. | 0:53:52 | 0:53:58 | |
They all expect a race war, and many of them fervently hope for it. | 0:53:58 | 0:54:03 | |
You know, that's absolutely common | 0:54:03 | 0:54:06 | |
in the Klan and in neo-Nazi groups and so on. | 0:54:06 | 0:54:08 | |
What's been surprising is to see the evolution of a group | 0:54:08 | 0:54:11 | |
like The League of the South. | 0:54:11 | 0:54:13 | |
Mike Hill wrote, a few months ago, | 0:54:13 | 0:54:14 | |
an incredible essay in which he said, essentially, | 0:54:14 | 0:54:18 | |
"If black people think they want to have a race war, | 0:54:18 | 0:54:21 | |
"let me just warn them right now, they're not going to win that war." | 0:54:21 | 0:54:25 | |
Hill has also talked to his people, | 0:54:25 | 0:54:28 | |
not merely about how the South is an Anglo-Celtic wonderland, | 0:54:28 | 0:54:31 | |
and all this kind of thing, and we need to protect our culture, | 0:54:31 | 0:54:35 | |
but about the need to buy AK-47s and tools to derail trains. | 0:54:35 | 0:54:42 | |
You know, will this ever really come to a race war? | 0:54:42 | 0:54:44 | |
No, I very much doubt it. | 0:54:44 | 0:54:46 | |
Are there people out there who desperately | 0:54:46 | 0:54:48 | |
would like to see it happen? | 0:54:48 | 0:54:50 | |
Absolutely. I don't think | 0:54:50 | 0:54:52 | |
The League of the South is going to become | 0:54:52 | 0:54:54 | |
a huge mainstream movement, but there are really poisonous strands | 0:54:54 | 0:54:58 | |
in Southern culture. | 0:54:58 | 0:55:00 | |
I have lived in many different parts of the country, | 0:55:00 | 0:55:02 | |
and while many Americans will say, | 0:55:02 | 0:55:04 | |
"Oh, racism is just as bad in the North, it's sort of more covert," | 0:55:04 | 0:55:07 | |
I'm here to say that's not true. | 0:55:07 | 0:55:10 | |
In the aftermath of the June 2015 Charleston massacre by Dylann Roof, | 0:55:10 | 0:55:16 | |
there was an enormous backlash against the Confederate battle flag | 0:55:16 | 0:55:20 | |
because Roof, of course, before carrying out this mass murder, | 0:55:20 | 0:55:24 | |
had taken many pictures of himself | 0:55:24 | 0:55:26 | |
displaying the Confederate battle flag. | 0:55:26 | 0:55:28 | |
And, as a result of that, the flag came under attack, | 0:55:28 | 0:55:31 | |
the governor of South Carolina ordered the Confederate battle flag | 0:55:31 | 0:55:35 | |
off the grounds of the state capital. | 0:55:35 | 0:55:38 | |
And then there was this incredible, very widespread reaction. | 0:55:38 | 0:55:42 | |
We counted, actually, | 0:55:42 | 0:55:44 | |
in the six months immediately following the Charleston massacre, | 0:55:44 | 0:55:47 | |
364 pro-Confederate battle flag rallies. | 0:55:47 | 0:55:52 | |
Does that rhetoric inform people like Dylann Roof? | 0:55:53 | 0:55:57 | |
I don't think Dylann Roof probably even knew what | 0:55:57 | 0:55:59 | |
The League of the South was. But did he connect with the kinds of ideas | 0:55:59 | 0:56:03 | |
that are at the centre of League of the South? Absolutely. | 0:56:03 | 0:56:06 | |
One of the greatest writers of the South, William Faulkner, | 0:56:08 | 0:56:12 | |
wrote something that seems very apt. | 0:56:12 | 0:56:14 | |
"The past isn't dead and buried - | 0:56:15 | 0:56:17 | |
"it's not even past." | 0:56:17 | 0:56:19 | |
And that's the point. | 0:56:20 | 0:56:21 | |
All the people of the South are living with history, | 0:56:21 | 0:56:25 | |
coping with the consequences of immigration, greed, | 0:56:25 | 0:56:29 | |
fear and a sequence of events that have turned this place upside down | 0:56:29 | 0:56:34 | |
more than once. | 0:56:34 | 0:56:35 | |
I come to the end of my journey at the church where this story began. | 0:56:38 | 0:56:41 | |
How on earth do the people who suffer the attacks here | 0:56:45 | 0:56:48 | |
cope with the horror of the racism that has stalked the South | 0:56:48 | 0:56:52 | |
since the settlers first arrived here? | 0:56:52 | 0:56:54 | |
Just with the thought of this interview itself... | 0:56:55 | 0:56:58 | |
I'm teary eyed, | 0:57:00 | 0:57:02 | |
to think that this is what brought us together. | 0:57:02 | 0:57:05 | |
But, yet, | 0:57:05 | 0:57:07 | |
I'm grateful because it gives me an opportunity to say to my brothers | 0:57:07 | 0:57:13 | |
and sisters around the world, | 0:57:13 | 0:57:15 | |
thank you for caring. | 0:57:15 | 0:57:17 | |
Thank you for praying for us, | 0:57:17 | 0:57:20 | |
remembering us, | 0:57:20 | 0:57:22 | |
and not forgetting about us. | 0:57:22 | 0:57:24 | |
Is there anything that ought to be forgotten, | 0:57:24 | 0:57:27 | |
are there any ideas that need to be put in the past | 0:57:27 | 0:57:32 | |
and not taken into the future? | 0:57:32 | 0:57:34 | |
I think that each of us, we are a sum total of our past, | 0:57:34 | 0:57:38 | |
our present, and our hope for the future. | 0:57:38 | 0:57:41 | |
And so, no, I wouldn't want to disregard the past, | 0:57:41 | 0:57:44 | |
I'd want to learn from it, | 0:57:44 | 0:57:46 | |
I'd want to grow as a result of it. | 0:57:46 | 0:57:48 | |
And we must embrace our individuality and celebrate it, | 0:57:48 | 0:57:53 | |
and not be negative as a result of it. | 0:57:53 | 0:57:56 | |
I believe that from this... | 0:57:56 | 0:57:59 | |
..can lead a path of race relations that is positive, | 0:58:00 | 0:58:05 | |
a path that will lead us to a place of reconciliation, | 0:58:05 | 0:58:09 | |
of healing, and a place of a healthier society. | 0:58:09 | 0:58:13 | |
Oh, hey, come on. | 0:58:16 | 0:58:17 |