Glenn Greenwald - Journalist HARDtalk


Glenn Greenwald - Journalist

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Welcome to HARDTalk. Thanks to Edward Snowden's leaking of American

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intelligence secrets, the whole world now knows the extent of US and

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UK surveillance of global phone and internet traffic. Have those

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revelations flagged up a corrosive infringement of Civil Liberties or

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undermined efforts to protect the world from terrorism? My guess is

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Glenn Greenwald, who broke the Snowden story. His mission, he says,

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is to hold power to account. But is this a journalistic crusade that has

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gone too far? Glenn Greenwald in Rio, welcome to

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HARDTalk. Great to be with you. Let me start not with the specifics of

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the Edward Snowden story, but just asking you about the way you see

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your role as a journalist. Is it fair to say that you don't believe

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in the impartiality or the objectivity of the journalist? I

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don't believe any human beings are impartial, I think we all view the

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world through subjective prisons that are the by-product of a whole

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variety of factors, cultural, socioeconomic and the like. The

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question is not if we have opinions or not, the question is if we are

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honest about the assumptions we have embraced or do we dishonestly

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pretend we are something we are not? So, honestly, what is your own

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subjective prism? I think individuals should not be monitored

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and have DOS years compiled about them, or be analysed by the state,

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unless there is evidence that they have done wrongdoing or if there is

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suspicion to believe that they are planning to do so. That is what it

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means to be a free individual. So a private realm of the state does not

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intrude into it. That's an important point, we will come back to it.

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Maybe an even bigger question, at the beginning, do you believe there

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should be an assumption of trust between the citizen and those

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responsible for national security in a democracy like the United States

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or the United Kingdom? Absolutely not. If you look at the people that

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have founded the United States, what they were most worried about was

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having a system of government in which the power of leaders was

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constrained, not by constitution, legal institutions or checks and

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balances, or by simply citizens assuming that they were good people

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and would not abuse the power, even if they were acting in the dark.

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They experienced the exact opposite, as has the Enlightenment and

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centuries of political sciences. That institutions run by human

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beings cannot be trusted to exercise power in the dark, without

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accountability, without abusing it. Your default position when it comes

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to senior executives in positions of power, your default position is that

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you do not trust a word they say? My default position is, as a journalist

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and as a rational human being, is that when people in power make

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claims they ought to have evidence to support those claims or they

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should be treated with great scepticism. The role of the media,

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journalism, is to investigate those claims for people in power, subject

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them to critical scrutiny and investigate to determine if they are

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true, rather than blindly assuming that they are true. Let's get to

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specifics and the sense of investigation that now surrounds

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Edward Snowden, everything he has revealed about the activities of not

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only the National Security Agency United states but GCHQ and other key

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institutions in the US and the UK. Just explain to me how Snowden

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reached out to you and how you decided he was the ultimate credible

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source. He reached out to me in December 2012, asking if I could

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install encryption technology so we could communicate securely. We

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talked for about a month about the prospect of doing so. I never

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actually ended up doing that. He went to Laura Poitras, who did have

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that. He spoke to her for a month or so and asked for me to become

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involved. I asked him to provide me with documents that would verify the

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authenticity of the claims he was making. He sent me two dozen or so

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secret NSA documents, that work right shopping in what they

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revealed. I flew to Hong Kong, I met with him and abetted him

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extensively. I determined that he was who he said he was and that the

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documents were valid. You vetted him extensively. You make it sound

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forensics. But how on earth did you ultimately decide that this guy, not

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just was giving you credible information, that is the relatively

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easy part, and how did you decide it was the right thing to do, both for

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him and for you, to press ahead with publication? Because I saw in the

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documents shocking revelations about what is being done to people's

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privacy. Not just in my country, but around the world. That this massive

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system of suspicion and spying had been built without the people and

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the countries whose governments were building it having any idea that it

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was taking place. For me, it was a very easy call as a journalist to

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understand that these documents are critically important for people in

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democracies to learn about and to know about. We understood that they

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had to be reported carefully. We have reported on them carefully. The

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question of whether people around the world should know that all the

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mutations are being collected by foreign governments and their own,

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of course that is up for debate, we have a right to know that. I wonder

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if it gave you pause, Bob Woodward, one of the famous investigative

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journalists of the modern era, he looked at how you handle it and

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concluded he would do things very differently. He said he would have

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pretty much insisted that Edward Snowden remain anonymous. He said it

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would be more effective and better for him if he remained a protected,

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anonymous source. He also says, again, given the weight of

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everything that was being revealed, that you should have taken more time

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and more care, be more strategic about the way that you put

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information to the public domain. If of Woodward approved of the

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reporting I was doing I would be extremely alarmed. This is somebody

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who has become very, very rich, probably the world's richest

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journalist, by doing little more than spilling America's top secrets

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in his books, fed to him by government officials designed to

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venerate the US government and the policies it is pursuing. He has

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become the ultimate establishment mouthpiece. There is no doubt Edward

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Snowden thought you were the go to guy to this. What you have told the

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world is that there has been extensive, globalised secrets

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buying, engineered by the United States and the UK. In different

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times, in different ways, it has involved some of the biggest web

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taste and communications corporations in the world. It has

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also, at different times, targeted key individuals, some of them key

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individuals that are friends of the US and the UK. Fascinating stories.

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Here is what Edward Snowden says about the import of what he has

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revealed. What we show is a Dragnet, mass surveillance that puts entire

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populations under an all seeing eye. It hits our country, it hits our

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freedom to speak and communicate freely. Do you believe that to be

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true? There is no question it is true. If you like a proper documents

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reveal, what the ultimate point is, leaving aside the Independent

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details and all of the individual stories, is that goal of the United

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States government and the UK Government, its closest ally, is to

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eliminate all privacy globally. By which I mean to make every form of

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electronic communication between all human beings collected, stored,

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analysed and monitored by the US and its four English-speaking partners

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in the surveillance world. Let me just be clear. You are saying

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important things. But they are not going through my e-mail, your e-mail

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or any other citizen's e-mail and looking at the content? Apart from

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anything else, it would be utterly impossible to analyse, your word,

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analyse the content of all this data? What you just said is

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completely factually false. They absolutely are looking at the

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content of my e-mail. I know that because of the documents that were

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filed by the UK Government. You may be a special case, I will grant you

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that straightaway. You almost certainly are a special case now.

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But I am thinking of my mother, my father, the millions and billions of

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people across the world who now use the internet. They are not all, to

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go back to Edward Snowden's words, they are not now having their

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ability to speak, think and associate freely threatened by this

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metadata analysis. You are absolutely wrong. If you look at

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what communications experts say, they will say that metadata is a

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more invasive form of surveillance and even listening to the content

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because of what can be done with metadata at the moment. Think about

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if your daughter decides that she once to get an abortion, if your

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best friend has an HIV. If they listen to the telephone calls, they

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will listen to them talking to the doctor, whose specialisations they

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will not even know. If they collect metadata, they will see that the

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woman called an abortion clinic, or a friend has called somebody

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specialising in HIV treatment, or some body has called a drug

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addiction or suicide hotline. There are comprehensive pictures that can

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be assembled view by knowing who is e-mailing you who you are talking

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to, how long you are speaking, these patterns that emerge are more

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revealing than even the content. That is nothing to say having

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internet history monitored, Google search terms collected, everything

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that gives an indication of what you are interested in, what you are

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reading, and incredibly invasive picture. Let's talk about the

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process about how it was decided what to publish and what not to. He

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worked particularly with the Guardian newspaper, you are no

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longer with them but you worked with them for a long time. You talked

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about a process involving editors, outside advisers. Was there absolute

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consensus on what to publish and what not?

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There was ultimate consensus. We sometimes began with different views

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on which parts of documents should be withheld or published, but at the

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end of the day, we met with editors, journalists, consulted with

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experts and reached a consensus about the most responsible way to

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report. Let me insert one critical fact. We have in our possession many

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many thousands of documents we got from Mr Snowden. I believe the grand

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total of documents we published so far is 250, a tiny fraction of the

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amount of material, which shows how responsible we have been.

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That raises important questions. You have only published a tiny fraction

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of the huge number of top-secret documents that you have in your

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possession. So, question number one, who owns those documents

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intellectually, who has ultimate control? You no longer work for the

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Guardian, Edward Snowden is stuck in Moscow. Who actually controls this

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top-secret information which has yet to be published?

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The journalist who he trusted. You? Myself, Laura Poitras, the

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Guardian, the Washington Post. The world's largest and most respected

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Western news poppers -- papers. But, you were the first he turned

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to. Do you have most of the documents?

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Myself and Laura Poitras have the full set of documents, others have

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portions of them. Do you believe you have the right, you no longer work

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for the Guardian. Do you believe you and Laura Poitras have the right to

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decide going forward what further to publish?

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We are working with media outlets in making those choices. Even though I

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am no longer at the Guardian, we have started our own media outlet

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with the most experienced and respected editors and journalists

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already working with our organisation. When I reported in

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foreign countries, I worked with some of the largest and most

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respected media establishments in those countries. I worked with their

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editors, lawyers, to make these decisions collaboratively. There has

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never been a single document published because I, myself, have

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decided. We worked in a journalistic structure.

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On your own admission, you have, in your possession, thousands and

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thousands of top-secret documents which you believe at least for now,

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you believe are so sensitive that they should not be released into the

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public domain. If they were, it would harm the security of key

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countries, even the US. If they fell into the wrong hands, could be

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extremely dangerous. That puts you in an extraordinarily difficult,

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some would say vulnerable and exposed, position. Do you

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acknowledge that? Sure, when you do journalism, you

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are in difficult positions, you challenge powerful factions, you go

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to war zones. It is a dangerous profession. It isn't about you as a

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journalist. You control information which is of

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vital national security interest to hundreds of millions of people who

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live in the US, UK and other countries. Surely the wisest course

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of action for you as a human being and journalist, is to return that

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information from where it came? You have decided the information is so

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sensitive it can never be published, so should you not get it

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out of your possession and return it?

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No, first of all, the people who can't be trusted to safeguard the

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security of that information are called the NSA and GCHQ, who are so

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reckless they put it on systems accessed by tens of thousands of

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people, and lost control. We have maintained tight control. Secondly,

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I never said all of the documents which have been published should not

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be published. There is a lot of reporting I intend to do in

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publishing these documents. How much more? I don't have an exact

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number but I can tell you if I had to guess, we are still in the first

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half of the reporting, the majority of reporting on these documents.

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I asked so much about the security and ownership of the secrets that

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you possess, because the argument of the security chiefs in the US and

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here in the UK is that they have to assume that the secret you now

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possess are no longer secure. They point to things, for example, you

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have told the New York Times, I am borderline illiterate on matters of

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computer encryption you said in summer. You said you have someone

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well regarded doing your computer for you. When they hear that, and

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see your partner David Miranda carrying flash cards with thousands

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of secrets on airlines, pass words on paper, they assume that the

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secrets you have cannot be regarded as secret any more, do you

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understand that? No, I don't understand that and I

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will tell you why. Everyone can toss around all sorts of inflammatory

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accusations. Instinctively attacking journalists who in any way to find

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what it is they want. I can make all types of accusations as well, but

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ultimately the wake national people decide what is true is through the

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evidence, reality. As I said, the reality is there is only one group

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of people whose security measures were so reckless and sloppy that

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they caused these documents to be lost, those are the NSA and GCHQ.

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The journalists who have worked on this case have never lost control of

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a single piece of paper, because even though it is true six months

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ago when I first began I didn't have a very good grasp of encryption, I

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consulted with experts, which is the responsible thing to do. Just like

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the New York Times and Washington Post. We used the most sophisticated

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forms of encryption to ensure that there would be no way to access

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them. Let us talk about trust. You do not

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trust the security chiefs who have said what you have done has

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fundamentally undermined security and aided and abetted terrorism.

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Oliver Robins, deputy national-security adviser for

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intelligence in the UK Cabinet office who says, in written evidence

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in court, it is known in the seized material there is personal

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information which would allow intelligence staff to be identified.

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He says the government has had to assume copies of information held by

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Mr Snowden may now be held by one or more other states. You are saying he

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is not telling the truth? There is this thing called the rock

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war, in which the US and UK governments persuaded their media

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outlets and populations to support an aggressive attack on another

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country by making one false claim after the next to scare the

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population into believing there was a security threat which did not

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exist. That they had to go to war to stop it. What journalism is about is

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based on the premise, when people like Mr Robbins and others who

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exercise power in the dark, make those kinds of claims to justify

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their own power, they are often lying, they often tell things to the

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population which turn out to be untrue. The job of a journalist is

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not to investigate other journalists, it is to try to be

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responsible when telling their readers what government officials

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are saying, and to assess whether there is evidence. That is my role

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as a journalist. I have two challenge that, you are

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accusing the most senior intelligence officials on both sides

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of the Atlantic or routine and systematic lying. What is your

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evidence? You say look at the rock war. What is your evidence, when the

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head of MI6 says there is real evidence that since your

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revelations, the sorts of communications conducted by

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terrorists have changed because they have adapted to what they have

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learned from you, where is your evidence there is intelligence

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chiefs are lying? First of all, I think the rock war

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is a pretty insignificant collection marked the rock war is a pretty

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significant example. If you want to scream at me, I can disconnect. If

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you want to ask the question, you need to give me time to answer. The

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evidence government officials lied is found in history with things like

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the rock war when the government is destroyed 26 million people based on

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lies they told over the course of two years to their population. If

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you look at countries where there are constitutional guarantees of

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free which includes most western democracies, you find all sorts of

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people who have created those perceptions, have done so based on

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the recognition people in power will routinely lie to their population.

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The evidence I have is three Democratic senators two weeks ago in

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the US on the intelligence committee with access to classified ads --

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information, said the claims of NSA officials that these programmes have

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stopped terrorist plots, that there is no evidence for that.

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You are backed by peer media, worth billions of dollars -- Pierre

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Omidyar. You say you will conduct journalism

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in the future which is far from the glaring subservient super political

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powers. So, should we expect that you will use most of the material

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Edward Snowden gave you, ultimately? I am going to use most of the

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material which is newsworthy. How much of that is part of the pile, I

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cannot quantify right now. But there is a lot more reporting to do. We're

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not the journalists who repeat what the government says and demanding

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everyone accepts it without evidence. We believe the way you

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hold power accountable is reporting on the truth, and the documents

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reveal that. Glenn Greenwald, thank you for

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joining me from Rio, thank you for being on HARDtalk.

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IQ, my pleasure. -- thank you.

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