Nick Clegg - UK Deputy Prime Minister, 2010-2015 HARDtalk


Nick Clegg - UK Deputy Prime Minister, 2010-2015

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Welcome to HARDtalk, I'm Stephen Sackur. Elected politicians tend to

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lose their grip on power and prestige with brutal speed, and so

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it was for my guest today. For five years, Nick Clegg was Britain's

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Deputy Prime Minister, the Liberal Democrat who entered a coalition

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with the Conservatives and gave his party their first real taste of

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power in generations, and then came the 2015 Gemill election. His party

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was annihilated and he took much of the blame. His brand of liberal pro-

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European politics now looks like badly damaged goods. Is there anyone

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to blame but himself? Nick Clegg, welcome to HARDtalk.

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Good to be here. How easy is it to deal with that sense of overwhelming

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rejection which you must have had after the 2015 election? A little

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bit easier than you might imagine because anyone watching this

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programme thinking of going into politics, don't go into politics if

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what you want is endless praise and bouquets of flowers condiments.

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Politics is a rough business and you shouldn't embark on it if you are

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prepared to live and die by the sword. In that sense, I wasn't

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braced for the result that materialised but you kind of have to

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accept that is part of the life you choose if you go into politics. That

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covers the personal feeling, the voters said no to you, not in your

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constituency but to your party, but I'm thinking more the rejection of

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ideas. What you have offered the British public, that liberal vision,

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and particularly the pro- European vision was soundly and roundly

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rejected. That must hurt and worry you? I'll wouldn't take it

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personally because I think the rejection of our membership of the

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year European Union, which was more manifest in the referendum rather

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than the election last year... I feel more worried about the future

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of the UK following that referendum than I did following the defeat of

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my party in the polls and the election last year. Parties come and

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go, politicians rise and fall but it seems to me that turned the country

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has taken on the 23rd of June is altogether more serious and in my

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view I think we will lose something quite precious. I'm more concerned

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and worried about that than I was even at the Madaya of my fortunes

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and my party's fortunes in the general election last year. Let's

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keep on the European theme then and look at the sorts of things you have

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said and the mindset you bring to the table when we consider Britain

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and Europe. You said this recently," I regard the referendum outcome as

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the greatest act of national self immolation in modern times". That a

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direct quote from your book. And you foresee, it seems, nothing but doom

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for the United Kingdom. Now, that's a message that was peddled by David

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Cameron and yourself before the election but here we sit two or

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three months later and doom, armageddon certainly hasn't arrived.

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Because we haven't left yet. There's a very odd state of the Nile over

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the summer that, oh, look, the referendum happen, the Earth is

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still spinning and the sun is still coming up in the morning. The

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economy is humming along and the markets are happy. But nothing has

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happened. But the markets know we will make an exit from the EU. This

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is an important point and a great dilemma we will face over the coming

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years, they don't know and no one knows and most worryingly the

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government doesn't know on what terms we leave. Yes, the decision

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has been taken that the UK will leave the EU but how you do that...

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It's not a technocratic issue, it's a profound issue that strikes at the

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heart of what will happen to the economy, what... It has

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constitutional implications for how law is passed, whether we mimic law

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in the EU or not, profound implications on how we fight crime

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and deal with climate change. How you leave, which by the way wasn't

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put before the British people on the 23rd of June because the Brexiteers,

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this Motley Crew of Pied Piper is that persuaded us to take this

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unprecedented leap couldn't agree among themselves what Brexit meant.

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It doesn't surprise me at all in a sense that nothing has happened

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because in a sense nothing has happened. The Motley Crew of pied

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pipers, it's a phrase I suppose that is somewhat sneering. It's more than

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that, I think it has been one of the most spectacular acts of political

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dishonesty on the part of a number of opportunists and populists who

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have fed on people's legitimate grievances about their lives to

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promise them 315 million for the end of the NHS and immigration problems.

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Promises and threats were made on both sides, which were probably not

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justified by the facts, but I'm more interested in the intellectual basis

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on which you approach this. Your approach seems to be that all those

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of reasonable and rational mind must be pro- Remain in the European

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Union. You seem to assume that all those who in the end won the

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argument, the Brexiteers, are nothing but opportunists and liars.

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Too many people in the UK, including serious and respected politicians,

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economists and business leaders, that's unacceptable. No, I don't

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think it is. They now lead to live up to the possibility for what they

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have done that need to. I don't have an argument, I met thousands of my

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constituents in Sheffield, I have no argument with those people voting

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for Brexit because for them the question wasn't about whether you

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like this directive or that directive or agreeing with the

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master of criteria, for ordinary voters who are angry and frustrated

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and haven't had a pay rise since 2008, concerned whether their kids

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will get their feet on the first rung of the property ladder, I

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disagree but I understand that for them the referendum was an

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opportunity to give the status quo a kicking and to say, no, I'm angry

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with my lot and I want it change. I have no argument with them but I do

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have an argument... I'm not going to backpedal about my dismay at the

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intellectual dishonesty with which otherwise intelligent people across

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the political spectrum sought to persuade people that this utopia

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would beckon if we would leave the EU. The EU is a deeply flawed

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organisation. This comes to your question about the intellectual

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basis. The reason I think what has been lost is so precious is for this

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reason. We live in a globalised world. If I think about the future

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of my children will occupy in decades ahead, there's almost

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nothing which will impinge on their lives. The environment, rhyme, jobs,

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prosperity which doesn't in one shape or form require a collective

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international response -- crime. Cutting ourselves off from the

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flawed but nonetheless most sophisticated way of taking

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collective international decisions in our hemisphere seems something

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that is shortchanging the fortunes of the young. And by the way that is

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also what the young think. You are a Democrat, you made that case and you

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lost, you fail, let's be blunt. This is something interesting the

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Canadian level, is a very like-minded politician to you,

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something that he said observing you and this is something he wrote in

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the review of your recent book, he said," Presenting yourself as the

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uncontestable voice of sweet reason isn't smart politics. It is elitist

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condescension and the Brexiteers have their reasons and their reasons

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won the argument" Clay's brand of liberal modernisation is the natural

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mating call of elite cosmopolitans -- Clegg. I don't agree with that in

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the same way that people who contest Donald Trump's assertion that all

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America's problems will be solved if you build a wall against Mexicans.

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You think there is a direct parallel? Donald Trump and the

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arguments to leave the European Union? There a populist... Isn't

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that your condescension? It is taking the arguments seriously and

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if I'd fixed line, populism down the ages has always... It has come in

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any shapes or form, nationalist or not, populist or not, it has taken

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complex problems and says to angry or fearful voters, I feel your anger

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and here's the solution, build a wall, yank yourselves out of the...

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Nationalists north of the border who I think are a form of populism,

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saying it is all London's fault. It is grievance politics, blaming

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complex problems on something or someone else is. Here's the rub, the

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many people I met who voted Brexit, actually the things they need,

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decent jobs, decent funded social care, better public services, a

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fairer slice of the cake, better housing, all of those things should

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be provided for by British governments and aren't going to be

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solved by yanking out of the EU. Do you agree with the lead of the Lib

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Dems today, Tim Farron, your successor, who says there should be

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a second referendum, saying the answer is wrong so we need the

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people to vote against. That's not what he said, what he said, and

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rightly in my view, the facts in the coming years will bear him out I

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think, he says the decision has been taken openly and democratically, not

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I don't like something I agree with but it has happened, leaving the EU,

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but nobody spelt out to the British people before the 23rd of June what

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Brexit meant. When that happens, when a deal is struck, all the

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questions about agriculture, science, free movement, the single

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market, trade relations, once those are settled in the same way the

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principal decision was taken by the British people to leave, the terms

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of departure should also be... That is blatantly absurd, it will take

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two years to get the deal done. Bemba vote will happen and either

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the British public will agree to the deal but if they don't, which you

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hope they won't, then what happens? We are in total in Bow. It would be

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an absurd demand to make if the Brexiteers secured a mandate for a

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particular model of exit for Brexit before the 23rd of June, they not

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only deliberately suffocated and disagreed with themselves about what

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it means for the UK outside the EU, they made a number of very seductive

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commitments, all of which have evaporated within a few days and

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weeks since the referendum. So it is reasonable for Tim Farron to say in

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keeping with the democratic principle of a referendum to decide

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to leave in the first place, the terms of departure, which isn't

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technical, it is profoundly important how we leave, should also

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be subject to a vote for the British people. In simple terms you are

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backing a second referendum? On the terms of departure. Once the deal

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has been struck? And the British public will be into that? I think

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over time there will be a growing appetite for it because I think it

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will be so difficult for this government to actually engineer a

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successful form of Brexit which conforms to everything they want,

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apparently they want free trade, though want all the nice bits of

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security in the EU but not the bad bits and so forth. We challenge them

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in terms of what they are doing. This is important, the British

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people will be frustrated that having been told everything will be

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simple they actually find it's not that straightforward and at that

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point the British people should be allowed to have their say and not be

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told to like it or lump it. The coalition government as we now know

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and you know to your cost cost your party so dear. It has led to the

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annihilation of your party. Not annihilation. You have eight seeds

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and you began with 57. 2.5 million people voted for the Liberal

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Democrats. The Liberal Democrats last year got 1 million more votes

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than the SNP, we have eight and they have 56. To say to 2.5 million

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people that the cause you believe in has been annihilated is

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self-evidently not true. The insult doesn't come from me but it comes

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from you and the decisions in the coalition, most obviously the

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decision you make on a U-turn not to raise tuition fees. It was your

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supporters who felt insulted by that and that is why they left you in

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their droves. That's correct. This insult you are talking about is

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something you delivered. I am challenging the silly assertions to

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save a party that garnered 1 million more votes than the SNP in an

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election a year ago at a low point is annihilated and that is

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self-evidently absurd. We are winning by-elections. In Sheffield

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last Thursday. We let from fourth to first place. You read the polls like

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I do, you know what they say. They haven't shifted much. 7%. If there's

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one industry that has been discredited in recent times it is

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polling. Is it annihilated? No. Was damage done to the Lib Dems by us

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going into coalition? Of course it was, it would be odd to say

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otherwise, otherwise I wouldn't have resigned or written a book detailing

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in meticulous details exactly what went right and what went wrong. You

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called a debacle, you called the tuition fee decision a debacle but

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you don't really explain why. I did explain. Let me explain. We didn't

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win the election. I was not Prime Minister. We didn't have the

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democratic right to implement our manifesto in full. You did not need

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to back Cameron on the tuition fee issue. You didn't need to but you

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chose to. B explained. -- let me explain. They

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were certain to see fees increased. Given their sanctimonious claim

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later... Today you don't seem to be saying sorry. You asked me for an LX

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-- explanation. If you asked me for an apology, I could do that. But you

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have a different expression. Both parties agreed more than they did

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with me that they wanted fees increased. If the Liberal Democrat

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entered into an agreement with labour, we had no money to commit to

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abolish and of fees. We did the next best thing. That was the compromise.

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There are some people are no that would call a Coppermine is a

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betrayal. Until heaven freezes over. -- compromise. It is what happens in

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coalition governments, there is no secret and there was no secret about

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that. If you don't have power on your own, you compromise. It cost us

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a great deal politically. As it happens, it was a system that led to

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a different outcome in university education that many people predicted

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and now we have more people from disadvantaged grounds in university

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than before. Do I apologise to the anger and frustration that people

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feel that we made a commitment that we clearly couldn't keep? Yes, we

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do. What about the realities of having to make compromise? I can't

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and I won't. It was just a question of how the coalition worked out.

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Left-wing commentators and analysts, "Almost everything that Nick Clegg

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colluded with in the government was an error. Almost everything he

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achieved by comparison was Kipling. His role, now, is as a warning

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beacon of what not to do. " This is always the same of people like him.

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The angry sanctimonious left ends up doing the spadework for the right.

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It is patented ludicrous to say the income tax system introduced is...

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Not just from the left but from the right. You never push Cameron out of

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his comfort zone. You made many wins. They did not push Cameron into

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places he didn't go. You own supporters wanted him to go. -- your

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own. I want to cite people I may disagree with. I don't agree with

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him at all. Instead of constantly beating up on the Liberal Democrat,

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they kept their eye on their conservatives. The Conservatives

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would not be as dominant as they are now. In a coalition government when

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no one wins outright. You strike compromises. Having spent five years

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doing it, I know a lot more than Polly Toynbee. Of course the

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Conservatives did not like what was put in place which they dismantled

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over the last years. They did not like that we didn't want to have a

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referendum on their terms will stop of course it didn't want the huge

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amount of money dedicated to the poorest children at the youngest age

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in the way that we did. Of course they did not like the massive

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revolution in the income tax personal system, personal income tax

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system, which they condemned as unaffordable. To dismiss all these

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things as piffling is a self evidently ludicrous. You can argue

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about whether the Libs are on life support or not that you have eight

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MPs, no presence in Westminster, their presence in the country in

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terms of the noise made by politics, what will happen to the voters that

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fill themselves still to be centre ground voters question mark element

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it is a big question that will shape the future of politics over the next

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few years. There will be an alignment over the next few years.

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The basic transmission of our democracy has ground to a halt. It

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has stopped. With a new Prime Minister he was to secure her own

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mandate, they got 24% of the vote? They now rely on elderly English

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voters, not exclusively, but largely, to sustain their power. As

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long as they kneecap labour beyond the border, there is no way that

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labour can sustain. A healthy democracy relies on the people of

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power constantly worrying that someone is go to take power away

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from them. That is now impossible. Labour cannot win, YouTube can't,

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Greens can't, somehow to restore the balance, the yin and yang that all

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democracies need, I think it is time that politicians of different

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persuasions start working together. In your analysis of what is

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happening in politics, across the world, you talk about the importance

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and the growing influence of the politics of grievance, of identity,

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of the heart and a motion, rather than the head and rationality. If

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that is the case then I am struggling to see how what you are

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offering, what you offered in 2015 in the election and what you offer

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today in terms of Europe and the whole raft of other issues as well,

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is really appealing to the voters of today. What you have to ask is what

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kind of world do you think we can have and the problems that we face

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which is considerable, what is the best way to deal with them? Politics

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at the end of the day is about trying to offer a better life and

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answer problems that people face. I personally do not, however much you

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urge me to do this, I will not accept that the way to deal with a

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lack of affordable housing, a lack of decent social care, a lack of

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wage progression, the millions of low income workers is the point the

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finger of dream at Brussels or Islam of foreigners or single mothers. I

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do not believe that simply pointing a vitriolic finger of blame which is

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at the heart of populism. ... It is the temper of the Times. If you

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except that the temper of the Times is how I described it, how are you

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with your Liberal centre ground politics going to match the temper

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of the times? It is one of the reasons I wrote the book. I do not

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have the encyclopaedic answer but some of the elements of the answer,

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the politics of reason, should perhaps be less reasonable in

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standing up for itself. What does that mean? There is an almost

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Pastoral response to some of the vivid and rather livid allegations

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and claims -- pastel. Whether it is the Raj, Trump, -- Nigel Farage,

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Marilla Penn, they say things that are patently... We need to be more

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vocal in spelling out why they are false prophets, they are making

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false promises of simplicity to a complex problem. I think most

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people, most of the time, are smart enough to know that life is not

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always simple and that is sometimes you want to have solutions to things

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in a complex world, you cannot just do so by building walls or blaming

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others. Let's end with a personal question. Politics has been tough

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for you in the last couple of years, you have been derided, you're from

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-- and family have copped a bruising. David Cameron has

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announced he is quitting politics. You go to do the same? I made that

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promise to my constituents that I will stay. Sheffield Hallam last

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May. You make it sound like a penance. No, no, no. I made that

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commitment. I made my work as a constituent MP. You have been at the

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very pinnacle of British politics, deputy Prime Minister, it is hard to

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see where you go from there. Weller I do not know what the future holds.

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--I do not know. Most MPs haven't in 2016, made public whether they will

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stand again in four years time. I think most people understand there

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is a time and a place to confirm that. That is exactly what I will

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do. In the meantime and this idea that you can only enjoy politics as

:23:34.:23:38.

you are being wafted around in a ministerial... It's absurd. It is

:23:39.:23:44.

more fun to win and Toulouse will stop to politics if you only want to

:23:45.:23:49.

win. -- more fun to win than two loos. You have to take losses with

:23:50.:23:56.

as much grace and resilient as the pleasure that you take in winning.

:23:57.:24:02.

-- lose. Nick Clegg, we have two end there. Thank you for being on

:24:03.:24:06.

HARDtalk. They give a much. -- thank you.

:24:07.:24:31.

Our spell of scorching September weather continues across many parts

:24:32.:24:34.

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