Special Spotlight

Hello, and welcome to this Spotlight special, where the studio

audience has a chance to put their questions to the panel. Among them,

but politicians to shape our lives. Tonight, Mitchel McLoughlin, Sinn

Fein's spokesperson for victims. Our line etched -- the minister for

trade and investment. Bernadette McAliskey. Stephen Agnew. And the

Strangford MLA, Mike Nesbitt, who heads the Ulster Unionist Party. We

want to know what do you think about the talking points of the day.

You can text the programme. The details are on your screen. Calls

cost five pence per minute from most landmines. Let's go to our

first question, from a teacher from Belfast. His fear being eight

Unionist Unity candidate in Mid- Ulster a step backwards for

Northern Ireland? This is a question based on the decision to

field an agreed's candidate in the Mid-Ulster by-election, which led

to the resignation of John McCallister and Basil McCrea. I

expect big question is asking, is this a step back to its sectarian

headcount, Mike Nesbitt? It is not new for either this party or for

other parties in Northern Ireland. Bernadette was elected in 1969

because Sinn Fein withdrew a candidate, and she had a clear run.

At the last Westminster elections in South Belfast, Alex Maskey

withdrew and Dr Alasdair McDonnell had a clear run for the SDLP. Gerry

Adams described it as bold leadership about protecting and

defending nationalist seats. It is not new. We had an agreed Unionist

candidate at the last Westminster election for Fermanagh South Tyrone.

I have been listening to the people of Mid-Ulster and they are saying

that on this occasion, for a variety of reasons, including the

recent murder of a prison officer but also because for 16 years they

have had an abstentionist member of parliament, that they would like to

see a single Unionist candidate. I am an Ulster Unionists, so my first

preference is that an Ulster Unionist wins the seat. There was

no possibility of that. What is my second option? It is not to give

Sinn Fein if free run. My second preference is to see some form of

Unionist over the line. The best way of maximising the opportunity

for that is to field one, not three, four or five pro-union candidates.

Basil McCrea said it is a good decision for Sinn Fein, be you

agree? It is a matter for the Unionist parties. I hope the by-

election is contested on social, economic and political issues. At

the end of the day, I hope the electorate will decide. De you

believe this is a neutral step or a step backwards? -- do you believe

it. My sense of it is that Unionism, for some time now, the House

cohesion. -- has lacked cohesion. What might emerge is a coherent

voice. It is difficult when you are looking for partners to build a new

democracy to fade partners in Alienist PAPA Obree -- to the park

is in the Unionist Party who are afraid to take decisions.

depends what future you want for Northern Ireland. The thing that I

find quite sad is that in 1969, as a young student, and around quickly

a platform of raising the absence of democracy? The parties which

were meant the old Nationalist Party and the old republican club

Sinn Fein, allowed a unity candidate, which happened to be me,

precisely because neither want or the other could elbow each other

out of a position of authority in the election. It was a very

temporary solution for them. Ironically, they wondered what harm

I could do in one year! They were seen to discover. That was a long

time ago. What is the relevance for today? That we have not moved

forward. In terms of developing a Northern Ireland as a democratic,

Equitable, shared society which respects Rights, which builds peace

and prosperity, which respects difference, which embraces

diversity, that the conversation is still locked in parties simply

around the issue of national identity. For me, what a sad to see

is that there is not the emergence of new alliances in politics Evra

and shared the social and economic ideas. The reality is that within

the major parties, the differences on fundamental things, which is

what this election should be about, the level of unemployment, the

dismantling of the Health Service, the absence of affordable social

housing, that absence of any coherence around our health care,

but there is no clear challenge to the consensus politics on a hill

about how that should be dealt with. I suppose the last thing you want

is a challenge to the consensus? The original question is, does this

take us back? Absolutely not. It is a good move forward for Unionism.

It will come as no surprise that I believe in the Union and therefore,

I want to see the people of Mid- Ulster represented in parliament.

First of all represented, because we have not had a representative in

parliament for such a long time, but also to have a unionist

representing Mid-Ulster. It is a rational political ID. I do not

understand they argument that says it is sectarian? I do not accept

that. The argument might be that you are not offering a choice?

are saying that we believe in the union and if you want to vote for

it, vote for Nigel Martyn. If you believe in Sinn Fein, vote for them.

If you believe in the SDLP's policies, more akin to Sinn Fein,

vote for them. What we are saying is, to give people a chance to vote

for a Unionist candidate and for him to be elected, the union at --

Unionist parties had to come together.

How can it be seen as a step forward for Unionism whenever it

has, in fact, divided the Ulster Unionist Party and there may be

another party created as a result? How can it be seen as uniting them?

Do you think that if a new party does emerge at Stormont that it

would be a good thing? Not necessarily for Unionism, but for

Northern Ireland. This is not new, and Mike Nesbitt is right. It is

all politics for a new way of thinking. We hear parties saying

they are putting the economy first, but they are putting the union

first. The union is not been debated at Westminster. It is up to

the people in the audience and at home to decide the future of the

Union. Let's talk about what we can't influence as politicians.

People do not want processed parties or politics. They want

parties that do what they say on the label. We have seen that with

the horsemeat scandal. People want to know what they are buying into.

If you start mixing two parties that... You should run at separate

candidates. This has led to a deep split in the Ulster Unionist Party?

I can test whether there has been a split, but I cannot let Stephen and

-- Stephen Aguiar's comments go. There is going to be a vote on

Scottish independence next year. The debate about the future of the

union is alive and Westminster is key to it. In terms of John

McCallister and Basil McCrea, we have well over 100 elected

representatives, 2000 members, 100,000 people vote for us, never

mind the DUP and TUV and other pro- union people involved in all of

this. It does not always have to be about John and basil. They say they

are men of principle yet they are not prepared to resign. Yet you

would still be 20% short. Nigel Lutton, I can see Catholics and

nationalists voting for him. Let me bring a few more people in. The two

Unionist leaders, Surrey, people, have been talking about the most

important thing. If you can sit in Stormont with Sinn Fein and work

with them on committees, why can't you two parties work together, make

one big union party instead of having all of these little ones

with arguments among the in cells? -- your selves? It is not getting

Was it a one-off or is at the start of things to come? What we want are

not necessarily Unionist or nationalist candidates. What we

want our people who we can vote for who will take leadership on

improving jobs and the economy in Northern Ireland. We want it to be

one party. Maybe Mike is heading that way. No, I don't think

Unionist unity is a possibility. But I think Unionist co-operation

can be done and at times should be done. I believe I demonstrated by

winning this one I believed that time was right so to do it. What

I'm talking about is not so much... Well, it is, yes, an experiment

that has been done before. It's the right thing for Mid Ulster at this

time. I can't look beyond that, as people would like it to do, for two

reasons. First, we have to see how the co-operation between all the

group's goes between now and 7th March, and then we have to see how

the result goes. On the basis of that we will make a decision.

think it's putting the constitutional issue right back up

the top of the political agenda. Any type of normal politics should

be moving us beyond simply the constitutional issue. To go to

Stephen's point about constitutional politics. It is

important we do give people the opportunity to vote for a candidate

who might actually get elected. The way to do that is for both parties

to come together. Because at present there is no representation

at Westminster. We're talking about the union, we should be talking

about the economy. Of course we should be talking about the economy

in the context of the United Kingdom. At like ask another

question now. The economically and politically, is it more beneficial

for NI to remain in the UK? We had a recent opinion poll which showed

38 % of Catholics would vote to stay in the UK, 27 % of Sinn Fein

voters said it. And it also identified a new sector of about a

quarter who consider themselves to be Northern Irish. What do you

think, is it time to give up the republican struggle and throw your

lot in with the UK? No, I think the first thing that people really

ought to do is recognise that there has to be a certain integrity about

the way you do things. You can't just keep chopping about and

interchanging, say, cultural conversation around people's

national identity with religious conversation, around people's

religious beliefs. And then political ideologies around how

people think, around social and economic issues. Because those are

all very complex and different. So if you ask people in Northern

Ireland, would you vote for a united Ireland tomorrow, and they

say no. Then the question you have asked is, would you vote bought it

to be united with Ireland tomorrow and the answer you've got is no, I

would not vote to be in a united Ireland tomorrow. It is not know. I

am now, by virtue of being a Catholic, for or against the idea

of national unity. I am a Unionist. I am something else. You can't play

this game, which we do all the time. We have created those markers for

ourselves and then judge them. They have always been, right through the

history of this country, Catholics who always have and always will be

unionist and British in their national identity and national

thinking. There may not be the majority. Not enough for them,

perhaps. Not enough for Mike Nesbitt or whatever. Also, people

who have a particular view on separate this or rearranging the

relationship between these islands, politically, socially and

economically, are not necessarily nationalists. I do not and never

have considered myself to be a nationalist. There is not a

Hibernian bone in my body. There is not a Hibernian thought in my head.

I am a republican. I am a socialist. Economically and politically, is it

more beneficial for Northern Ireland? Economically, politically

and socially, it is at this point almost irrelevant, in the immediate

sense, whether Northern Ireland is within the context of an Irish

Republic that is owned by the European Union and by IMF, or in a

British economy that very soon will be. The main problem facing people

in this particular part of this particular island is an absence of

democratic control. Over decisions that would allow us to reallocate

resources. That would allow us to generate resources for the social

and economic things that we need. What do you think, Stephen?

you'd have asked that question five years ago, people might have said

Ireland. If you ask it to date, people might say the UK. So we are

a selfish lot. Only interested in our immediate gratification. What I

think is the DUP and Sinn Fein have got exactly what they want. Sinn

Fein's motion at Belfast City Council got us talking about flags.

At Ulster, they got us talking about the union. This is the

politics of distraction. At a time when our economy is at its worst,

we are talking about these issues. This is all the will ever get when

you have parties defined by their constitutional position first and

foremost. I don't think these are the issues we need to be talking

about at this time. Educational under-achievement, the economy, the

challenges we face. That is where we need to get to. But is it more

beneficial for people in Northern Ireland to stay where they are now

rather than join the Republic? we are going to have that

conversation, let's talk about the future rather than the past. People

want to talk about the past, so let's talk and -- about the pros

and cons, the economy has been mentioned. The UK has a national

health system, is that a benefit? What about trading across islands?

It doesn't keep me awake at night. It's up to these people at home.

Does it keep you awake, be sure? Sometimes. The question really has

to be answered in the experience... Fall of six of the last 90 years...

What Mr Schweiz me, Unionists, when you want to discuss an alternative

approach, delegating the fiscal power, they start talking about the

price tag. About the size of the deficit, or about the scale of our

bankruptcy. I don't know how anyone can argue over that. Gerry Adams

has been talking about it most recently. It's not really is a

venture that pour from Westminster. It's a rather strange analysis.

What we have taken of the figures produced by the British Treasury

and the figures produced by the finance minister in Stormont. We

demonstrated that the assumptions that are made, which Gibbs raised

to these exaggerated claims. But the real issue at the end of the

day is not the size of the deficit, but the reason why there is a

deficit. His partition good for the note? It doesn't answer that

question. What we can talk about are the alternatives. We were

starting with a green field. If I could stay that in terms of this

small island of 6.2 million people. There are European cities that have

a bigger population. So we can get the balance right between the

different traditions. Would the first decision be, let's have two

economies on this island? I think the answer would be no. We are

managing the mistakes that were making history. But there are two

sides to the house and Arlene is on the other. The people of Ireland

would and decide to have two economies, 0 two Health Systems,

nor two educational systems. Here is where we are. We are in a

situation where we are in the UK, whether Mitchell likes it or not,

and Benavidez and. End of the talks about this, so let's talk about

something other than the economic figures, let's not talk about the

economic figures. But those are economic realities and people need

to understand those, if we're talking about the UK and how we

benefit from membership. Economic and, yes, it's the right decision.

Politically, for me, it's the right decision. Socially, culturally and

every other reason it is right to be in the UK. I firmly believe that

and that's why I'm a Unionist. short answer to the question is yes,

we are better off in every sense being in the UK. Amazing! We are

one of the 10 strongest economies in the world. Bernadette has been

very clear where the Republic's economy is. That is not in

anybody's best interest. I'm a Unionist, but before I was in

politics when I was working in the private sector, I work with Mr

George quickly, a great thinker, and a North-South economic corridor

between Belfast and Dublin. I will give you a quote from John Hewitt,

I am an Ulsterman but I am also and I am British and I am European. And

to deny any of those diminishes the. In terms of our economic, cultural

and social freedoms, we have to have relationships across all those

different sectors. However, to get to the point where we are talking

about the economy, education, health, housing, all those issues

we want to focus on, you have to first settle people in terms of

their culture and identity and make sure they are comfortable. When

republicans weren't happy with the way their cultural identity was

being treated in Northern Ireland, 3500 people had to dive and the

economy was brought to its knees. We mustn't go back there. Everybody

must feel comfortable with who they are and how well they are respected.

That's what the Ulster Unionist Party did 15 years ago with the

Belfast Agreement. Mutual respect, consensual and not majority rule

politics. I want to take a quick straw poll on it being more

beneficial for Northern Ireland to remain in the UK. What are your

views? I would agree with Mike. I do think it's better economically,

politically and socially to remain in the UK. Who thinks the same? I

would say quite a big majority of people here. You agree? Yes, a huge

majority. A comment to make their quickly? It's all about division.

Not about what we can do it together and shared. It's not about

Northern Ireland. We are Northern Ireland, we can all identify with

that. Not everyone identified with that. That is what the NI 2012

campaign was about last year. Hugely successful campaign, which

was to attract more people to come to Northern Ireland. It was also

about civic pride in Northern Ireland, and it was something

everybody could take part in. I was proud of that campaign. I think

it's something we can build on. Johnson is a nurse. Your question,

please. I just wonder what the panel think the impact will be of

the recent vote in the House of Commons in favour of gay marriage,

and what impact they feel that were having Northern Ireland? It was

carried by a majority of 225 in favour of allowing marriage with

members of the same sex in religious institutions which

consented to that. Of the Northern Ireland MPs, two voted for, nine

against and two abstained. All the DUP voted against. Arlene Foster,

why did you all do that and what impact would it have, or will it

have in Northern Ireland because it has been passed? It doesn't have

any impact in Northern Ireland in so far as the assembly has the

power to pass laws in relation to that matter for Robben Island, and

therefore we will continue with the definition of marriage as it

currently stands. We believe that marriage is about a man and a wife.

People say to me, what about equality and equity? Equity doesn't

mean equality in all things. Actually, there is equity because

civil partnerships are now in place for people who are homosexual, to

come together in partnership. How are they not equal? You can't have

a religious reading with a civil partnership ceremony, no religious

music, no religious symbols. says that? The Church says that, as

opposed to the law. In the law, you cannot have any civil partnership

ceremony any religious ceremony. Are you sure that is not from the

church as opposed to the law? As I understood it, his civil

partnership event, it was a matter between the parties as to what they

had done their partnership event, as opposed to in a church. But I

very firmly believe in marriage. I believe in the institution of

marriage and I believe it is between a man and a woman, and that

is the position I have. David Cameron says Love makes societies

stronger. This kind of marriage will promote commitment, which can

only surely be a benefit to the wider society. That is happening

already through civil partnership. That is why they are there, to

allow people who are homosexual to come together in a relationship.

That is not damaging the institution of marriage, as I

believe it would be damaged if If we do not have equality of

access in Northern Ireland, then having quite rightly discussed that

we are members of the United Kingdom and we are British, it is a

requirement of British law that all British citizens be treated equally

before the law. And so, if it is the case that once again, in this

particular part of the United Kingdom that people are going to

half less rights because of the particular religious persuasion are

the majority parties here, then we will be over a period of time

looking at a case, and quite properly, looking at a case going

before the European Court of Human Rights on that very issue. Gentle

man in the front row. It is important to note that the vote in

the House of Commons was for England only. The position of

Northern Ireland is not technically Defford -- different from Wales,

Scotland or Northern Ireland. the end of the day, the government

of the UK is the government that has the statutory obligation for

human rights protection to Europe. If we again have human rights

protections by postcode lottery and region, then they will quite

rightly, as they were on every other issue, be taken to the

European Court of Human Rights and found wanting and they will be

required and forced, just as the stake was taken out of the

teacher's hand by the European Court, just as every other piece of

prejudice was taken out of hand... The lady over there. It is wrong to

oppose gay marriage. You can be Christian and gay. It is wrong as

well, I do not see how the Protestant religion can remarry and

divorce as much as they want in a church setting but a gay person

cannot even get married in a church. It is just wrong. Gentle man in the

blue jumper? The Church's due on gay marriage is that it is wrong,

it says in the Bible it is wrong. Surely be a church should have a

choice whether they will have gay marriages because it's a -- it says

in the Bible. The day and a man in the back row? I do not think

religion has any place in politics. Mike Nesbitt. Marriage is not a

political construct, but is the difficulty. I can't do this as a

churchgoer and a struggling Christian, but I led a become --

congregation of the church I attend. I think they would feel that

permitting gay marriage would make the Church are colder place for the

majority of them. I look at this idea of equality and I think there

is a contrary argument for the one Bernardette put forward. If you

have a choice of civil partnership and marriage for the gay community

and you do not have the same available to the heterosexual

community, as would be the case, you do not have equality, you have

inequality. That could be challenged in the European courts.

It is a matter within my party, where people have a free vote and

take different stances... What is your stance? I am against. You

mentioned the vote in the Commons. Two of the Ulster Unionist Lords

voted in favour and that is perfectly fine, because it is a

matter for individual conscience, not politics. Does that mean, that

if they are bringing equal marriage, would you be forcible partnerships

-- fought civil partnerships in straight relationships? I would be

pro anything that represents equality. The bottom line for me

his commitment. A commitment between two people, whether they

are same-sex are not, I will support. I think it was a

regrettable decision by the Assembly. By Westminster? Not by me

Westminster. I agree with the decision-taking. If people can be

legally married in England and they come off the steps of an aeroplane

here and they are no longer married, that is ridiculous. My sense is

that we made the wrong decision and once again, religious opinion

dominated a political decision. That is a matter for regret.

APPLAUSE. Good to hear that the British got

something right! Not everything, just most things. I am pleased with

the decision Westminster have taken and I am pleased that Caroline

Lucas voted for it. I am pleased to have brought it forward in the

Assembly. It is an issue of equality. There is a lack of

religious freedom as we speak. Churches cannot perform a civil

partnership, even if they want to. An atheist heterosexual couple can

have a religious ceremony but a Christian gay couple cannot have

any religious paraphernalia at all at their civil partnership. This is

something we need to address. We need to ensure consistency. The

question was asked, what will be empowered be for Northern Ireland?

Scotland have said they will legislate for it and the English

and Wells seem to be doing it -- West seen to be doing it, as are

the Republic of Ireland. We could find ourselves in a legal quagmire.

Those uncivil partnerships in Northern Ireland cannot adopt

either. You could have a married gay couple with children coming

over to Northern Ireland from England, what is the status of

those children in Northern Ireland? I do not know it Billy. Answers but

those are questions we will have to face. Yes, sir? This legislation

would not force any church to carry out the ceremonies. If the Unionist

Party are still fighting strongly against it, does that not point out

their homophobic undertones? I want to go back to John. As a Christian

I do not agree with gay marriage. Although I totally agree with what

Arlene has said, that their rights are protected is of a partnership.

I think, 100%, people's rights should be protected. Marriage is a

biblical concept that should be preserved and a sure touch -- and

the Church should be allowed to say no. There was an accusation of

homophobia and I resent it. resented as well. There is an anti-

Christian feeling against people who take a stand on particular

issues. People say you have to take religion out of politics. If you

take religion out of politics you are taking the religion --

personalities art. I am an Anglican, I cannot believe that at the door.

You reject accusations of, for beer, that is fine and we have accepted

that. -- accusations of homophobia. Is it bad news for Northern Ireland.

9,000 children leave school each year without reaching required

levels in reading, writing and counting? The Audit Office brought

out a report today saying to out of five pupils failed to achieve the

basic standards of five GCC -- GCSE passes above grade C. Is this bad

news? It is bad news and it is not new news. If we go back to a report

a number of years ago, at that time it was clearly identified. We are

not talking about people in Northern Ireland now, who do not

have English as a first language. That was a report when we had very

little immigration. It said that one in every four at that was 25 --

in every four, 25% of the adult population of Northern Ireland,

were fun actually illiterate. That is 15 years ago. Every report since

has continued to indicate that a society that sense it's children

into formal education, almost earlier than anyone else in Europe,

that provides compulsory education, the drains the people still come

round, parents do what they think is the best for their children and

at the end of that compulsory education system, we are still

producing young adults and teenagers were that the basic

ability to be numerate, to be literate. -- without the basic

ability. Where does the fog like? That cannot be totally removed from

the way we view education. We have segregated education on the basis

of intellectual lines, for a long time on gender lines, fundamentally

on class lines. We are not educating children to read and

write and critically think, and the reflective. We are educating to

meet market demand. We are producing some of the highest

qualified school-leavers and we are part of the downside of that, the

concentration of our resources on meeting that high-level market is

directly related to the number of children that we are not

concentrating on, because we are continually reinforcing the go-

getter. This report points out that 90% of grammar school children get

that level, only 40% of secondary children. That is a serious

disparity. That tells you where the problem is. I am going to identify

the failure and point a finger at Sinn Fein. Every child in this

country has ability. I do not care if it is academic, vocational,

technical, sporting, artistic. The educational system should allow the

child to bring that forward. To do so they need basic levels of

literacy and numeracy. Over all the years Sinn Fein have held the

Ministry, it has been clear that the same groups of people are the

ones most likely to under-achieve. Yet Sinn Fein have done nothing...

Bernadette was pointing out a report from 15 years ago, before

the Assembly. It is important to recognise it is not all down to

teachers or schools. Academics who look at these issues say up to 70%

of the influence of a child's education is outside school. When I

was elected in 2011, I went to John O'Dowd and put forward proposals

about a scheme called but bodies, which operate in the United States.

You have one on one teetering between children whose literacy is

below the national standard and people in a fold. They found that

the young people, their levels of literacy went way above the state

average but also, the people in the fold, there are medication levels

dropped off because they found a new purpose in life. There are a

lot of schemes, which are cheap and gave a sense of purpose, which are

just there. It is new thinking on education. This report is very

interesting. It points out some successes as well. There was an

earlier inquiry. I remember the Public Accounts Committee, and we

reviewed education difficulties in the workforce. -- I am a member of

the Public Accounts Committee. We found that 30% of the workforce had

profound literacy and numeracy difficulties and 25% had moderate

difficulties. That is over half. This goes back many generations.

The problem has been there for a very long time. We are trying to

make it right. One of the main things we are attempting to do when

we looked at the disparity between crime whiskers and post-primary is,

we believe that the 11-plus his discrimination. -- between grammar

schools and post primary schools. The 11-plus stops young people

achieving their potential. We would like support from the other parties,

including b Younis parties, in bringing forward reform. -- the

Unionist parties. I was certainly told through school that our

education system was one of the best in the world. We have focused

on those at the top, and that is a good thing, but we have swept under

the carpet those children you referred to. Special educational

needs have almost been an afterthought. Tackling these issues

takes resources and if we continue to educate separately we will

continue to waste resources. If we educate together we can tackle

educational and social issues with that. We can put the money into the

early years, were all the evidence suggests. We can do the best work

before children enter school. We need to shift focus on to the early

years, when the child's brain is in development. All of the parties

know this, we get hold it all the time. We need to put the resources

I went to Belfast Royal Academy. It is a disgrace that someone would

want to take away their privilege we had died taking away the

I believe in academic selection, because it gives those children who

come from a working-class background to have the aspiration

to better themselves and to move further on. But shouldn't everyone

have those basic building blocks? Yes. A but they don't. The which is

why we shouldn't destroy a grammar system and think that is going to

solve all of the problems. It's not. If you change that 90 % to 40 %

ratio. It would. How is that going to help anybody? What we need to

have is a system set for everybody. Those people who struggle and also

at the grammar school level as well. It is mostly down to the individual

how well they do. I come from a working-class background, I went to

a state school, I failed the 11 plus, I've now got three A-levels.

I didn't have any money to pay Browett and I managed to come out

all right. The fact you will remove grammar schools and say we're down

to segregated schools, or it's down to how much money your family's

debt. It's not. It's down to self- motivation or, unfortunately in

Northern Ireland, other key issues involving education in family life.

I went to a state school and there was a lot of emphasis on grammar

and spelling and punctuation. My daughter, who just finished school

about five years ago, at her school there wasn't any emphasis on

grammar and spelling and punctuation. How is she, no matter

how well she does in her GCSEs, and she got her GCSEs and A-levels, but

how could she even fill in an application form if she doesn't

know the grammar? Is that part of the education now in state schools,

that there isn't the emphasis on that? Do you not think that's

important? The gentleman in the front and then we will have to move

on. For the past 10 years the focus hasn't been an early years or

improving. The sole focus has been on destroying the grammar school

sector. Sinn Fein for the past 10 years have had disregard for

improving the education system. Their focus has been on destroying

the grammar school sector. My own son, he's 14. At the moment his

reading level is aged 8.1. I said to the school, I got a school

report home which had the full curriculum on that I know of,

history, geography, French. My child can't read or write English

and yet he's been taught French. I approached the school. On the

curriculum, we have to spend so much time per week on all of these

objects. I want my son into macro years' time to be able to read and

write when he leaves school. Or what chance does he have in life?

The CBI is calling for a complete review of the primary curriculum.

We have to move on. Thank you very much. Clare MacGowan is a baker

from Belfast. What are MLAs doing to help local traders who are at

risk of losing their businesses due to the ongoing flag protests?

you know, before Christmas I said that I felt the flag protests on

the street needed to end and we needed to get into a process of

discussing the issues that many people have raised, very relevant

issues. A forum was set up to deal with those issues. I have been

around the country meeting people, listening to their concerns about

those issues. Street protest is a viable way to indicate your

annoyance about an individual decision. Illegal street protests?

No, street protests. What we have to look at now is, what is the

purpose of the continuing protest? I firmly believe there is a process

to listen to those concerns, and the process is through the Unionist

forum. I do also believe that the traders have suffered. It's one of

the reasons why I put money into back in Belfast through the

Northern Irish Tourist Board. It has provided a lot of help and

support to traders in Belfast. I hope that they will be able to see

the benefits of that in the coming weeks and months. Putting local

businesses first, from spearheading the Green Party, encouraging people

to shop in their local town centre, right up to our stance on

corporation tax. The enterprise trading and investment committee

heard from the Belfast Chamber of Commerce and he said it was under

the best interest of Belfast traders. We tried to put local

businesses first, grow the local economy and ensure that where our

priority is. What response should there be to the flag protest, which

has cost 15 to �25 million and upwards? First of, I do agree that

the legitimate right to processed. The protests have in many instances

boiled over to illegal activity. I think we need... We didn't need to

comes back to what I said earlier. If we continue to have the

polarisation of politics in Northern Ireland along sectarian

lines, we will continue to have these types of social protests.

What concrete help should MLAs be giving to these businesses? To be

fair, I will say that the present Belfast Chamber of Commerce did set

up the campaign, so credit where it's due. I'm not going to be in

opposition for the sake of doing so. But we have had a genuine

expression from the public of disengagement. We need to bring

them into the political process. We need to have a Sibbit conversation

about the number of issues, including the reform of the

assembly which ultimately is a reform of the people's agreement.

We need to bring people back into these discussions and stop having

them enclosed room discussions. think there are a number of issues

that you can go off on a tangent about. But I always find it

interesting how we are all told about rights not being absolute,

they are all balanced. So when we are talking about important rights,

like a right to equitable education, you have the balance that against

the privilege of the grammar so -- grammar school set who are here. If

we want to talk about rights of people do housing and welfare, we

have to balance that against people not abusing the system. But God

forbid that anyone should challenge an absolute right to wave flags up

and down the streets in Northern Ireland. People who go on about

their lawful business. That is an absolute right on everybody's part,

and everybody has to walk round tiptoeing around it. I think the

first thing you have to do his challenge that nonsense head-on.

But that's the job of the police, about what is legitimate and what's

not and what should be done about it. In terms of hard pressed, small

business people, I think there are two things that have to be done. We

heard a lot about corporation tax, which doesn't really help anybody.

But we used to have a lower rate of tax for small areas of profit. So

small, local retailers and small business people who are not making

a large amount of profit should actually be paying less tax in the

pound on the profit they make, so that they have resources to

reinvest in their business. A return to the 10p tax, a return to

the 15 p tax until you are making the kind of profit that allows you

to avoid tax, like Starbucks and others, that would be helpful to

small retailers. A lot of hands up. I think the protesters get a bad

rep for the protesting. They are protesting because they are

frustrated. They are getting led by a certain other members of the

public and not getting led by the politicians. That is what is

happening in Belfast at the moment. My question would be to Arlene. The

Warwick former barrister and solicitor. The information we are

getting is the protests are illegal if the road is blocked but not if

there is a dividing line between the two lanes. The reason why I'm

asking the question of clarification is because if it's

illegal to stand in the middle of the road, will the same law apply

in Ardoyne... That's not really what the question was about. It's

always illegal, no matter what you do. You stand over there, it's

illegal. We always seem to be in the wrong, no matter what. These

time-bombs are going to tip us up all the time. While the politicians

not moving in at an earlier stage and making sure they things aren't

happening. They are our leaders. Given the money that has been

invested try and come back from this, does Arlene find it strange

that some of her own party councillors are already using

photographs of themselves as publicity the two will come of them

addressing the protesters? He I do think it is important. On many

occasions police have come to party colleagues and said they felt their

presence there was important to make sure that no trouble has

happened. That is a responsible thing to do as a public

representative, to try and keep the peace. There has been money put in

to try and sort this situation, but if we want to go back to pointing

fingers - why was the decision taken in the first place? There was

a consensus... People are going back to the question. I've got to

take a few more questions very quickly. There wouldn't be any

protest that people would listen to what we want. Why don't they stop

complaining about how much money it's costing the economy and listen

to what we want? Which is want - but what? We want the flags back up.

I'd just like to say, there's a lot of short-termism here about the

flanks and the cost to the local economy. Is no one looking at the

long-term effect of these protests? Tourism is a huge boom to Northern

Ireland and it is totally going to die. Is the money being wasted now

on policing or not policing... think the fact around the flag

protests is wrong in itself. This is about that is content within the

communities. This is about the failure of Stormont in general to

provide what was promised in the Good Friday Agreement. The flags

issue was the straw that broke the camel's back. They're all the other

things that are going on within the tactics of Sinn Fein against... We

had promises made to us. What are you going to help the people who've

been suffering economic it? We've already discussed the back in

Belfast. We support that approach. That type of approach is

appropriate. The issue clearly is, can we come as a society, cope with

the process of change? Belfast has changed. We should reflect and

celebrate that. We should be able to manage and cope with that change.

I look at the protests and what are they, they are a tactic to

illustrate a grievance over the flag went all the other issues, the

lack of peace, political failure at Stormont. But all the focus is on

the tactics. We said from the first week of December, move on to

another tactic and we will help you. We've created a forum to bring that

to. We called for this Saturday, led the parade to commemorate the

two people who were murdered 25 years ago go ahead. In terms of

supporting the traders, for example, nothing is done for retailers.

There's one in my constituency he says... I want you to tell me what

you think should be done. Gillibrand says he sells clothing

to the United States. He gets no support because he's not

manufacturing, but he is exporting. Let Northern Ireland take a more

imaginative look at supporting local traders. They have programmes

to help. If the gentleman in question would like to come to me,

I would send him to invest Northern Ireland. He's already been. Has he

I feel like it's lots of talk and no action. I'd trade out of St

George's and this is an immediate problem. It only takes a few bad

weeks for these businesses to go down. More action and less talk

would be helpful. The questions started off on a retail issue. We

mentioned invest Northern Ireland. But what are we doing to help

Northern Ireland's small businesses in totality? What were you going to

say? On the flag situation, we wouldn't be in that situation at

the moment. We are where we are. There's too much talk and not

enough action. What we need is more talk, that is the action we need.

If we bring the protesters into a process of engagement, we could

potentially take them off the street. Edu think we do need to

engage in a Sibbit conversation. Not just about the flags, about the

institutions of the assembly, about we are many years on from then Good

Friday Agreement. We need to change everything with their agreement.

What is it you want specifically, what would help you most?

protests going on outside St George's, they need to be stopped.

Honestly, it's a week-to-week basis and we need to be getting people in

there and making people feel they can come to Belfast safely and get

home safely. It needs to be immediate. And that's more

important than any financial aid that someone might give you? We did

put in for rent reduction with the council. Three times a week, if you

are not making any money, you could lose your business very quickly. We

We have come along to represent the traders at St George's Market

because we have all been affected. What do you need? On a Saturday

Sunday, we have a vibrant market at St George's. We have got families,

communities, all cultures working and trading at St George's. Com