Browse content similar to 21/02/2017. Check below for episodes and series from the same categories and more!
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TICKING | 1:44:23 | 1:44:25 | |
The clock is ticking towards polling day. | 1:44:31 | 1:44:34 | |
I propose to set an election date of Thursday 2nd of March. | 1:44:35 | 1:44:40 | |
In the world of politics, it's game on. | 1:44:42 | 1:44:46 | |
INDISTINCT | 1:44:46 | 1:44:47 | |
You have to ask Enda about the battle bus. | 1:44:52 | 1:44:55 | |
Battle lines are being drawn after the collapse of Stormont... | 1:44:58 | 1:45:01 | |
..but will the new Assembly work any better than the old? | 1:45:03 | 1:45:06 | |
Tonight, in the second of two special programmes on power sharing, | 1:45:08 | 1:45:13 | |
we review what really may have caused the collapse | 1:45:13 | 1:45:16 | |
of the Executive last month. | 1:45:16 | 1:45:18 | |
Can power sharing work better? | 1:45:18 | 1:45:21 | |
Can it even be put back together after the election? | 1:45:21 | 1:45:24 | |
This partnership was the future once. | 1:45:27 | 1:45:30 | |
Last May, Arlene Foster and Martin McGuinness, | 1:45:32 | 1:45:35 | |
as First and Deputy First Ministers, | 1:45:35 | 1:45:38 | |
reaffirmed their commitment to power sharing. | 1:45:38 | 1:45:41 | |
But seven months later, the fresh start went up in smoke. | 1:45:41 | 1:45:45 | |
Sinn Fein pulled the plug on power sharing by not re-nominating | 1:45:48 | 1:45:51 | |
for the position of Deputy First Minister | 1:45:51 | 1:45:54 | |
following Martin McGuinness's shock resignation. | 1:45:54 | 1:45:57 | |
He listed the Renewable Heat Incentive - RHI - scandal, | 1:45:58 | 1:46:02 | |
among others, as the reason for his resignation. | 1:46:02 | 1:46:05 | |
I think anybody that knows the history of our relationship | 1:46:07 | 1:46:11 | |
with the DUP, particularly over the course of recent years | 1:46:11 | 1:46:16 | |
and the different issues that have really raised | 1:46:16 | 1:46:20 | |
all sorts of question marks about the DUP's behaviour. | 1:46:20 | 1:46:24 | |
Things like Red Sky, Frank Cushnahan and Nama, | 1:46:24 | 1:46:29 | |
the Liofa decision, a despicable decision, the RHI - | 1:46:29 | 1:46:34 | |
all of these things are hugely concerning | 1:46:34 | 1:46:37 | |
for us in Sinn Fein. | 1:46:37 | 1:46:39 | |
Arlene Foster immediately took to social media to respond. | 1:46:39 | 1:46:42 | |
At a time when we are dealing with Brexit, | 1:46:45 | 1:46:48 | |
needing to create more jobs and investing in our health | 1:46:48 | 1:46:51 | |
and education system, Northern Ireland needs stability, | 1:46:51 | 1:46:55 | |
but because of Sinn Fein's selfish actions, we now have instability. | 1:46:55 | 1:46:59 | |
Martin McGuinness, in leaving the Assembly chamber for the last time, | 1:47:00 | 1:47:04 | |
marked the end of a decade of power sharing | 1:47:04 | 1:47:07 | |
between the DUP and Sinn Fein. | 1:47:07 | 1:47:09 | |
But how did it come to this? What's really going on and | 1:47:17 | 1:47:21 | |
what other factors may have led to the fracturing of relationships | 1:47:21 | 1:47:24 | |
at the heart of the power-sharing executive? | 1:47:24 | 1:47:28 | |
For the DUP, it had all been going so well. | 1:47:30 | 1:47:34 | |
The leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, | 1:47:34 | 1:47:38 | |
the First Lady of Northern Ireland, | 1:47:38 | 1:47:41 | |
the First Minister of Northern Ireland, | 1:47:41 | 1:47:43 | |
the Right Honourable Arlene Foster, MLA. | 1:47:43 | 1:47:48 | |
CHEERING | 1:47:48 | 1:47:51 | |
In her Party Conference speech last October, | 1:47:51 | 1:47:54 | |
Arlene Foster may have been prematurely triumphant. | 1:47:54 | 1:47:58 | |
Just 12 months ago, | 1:47:58 | 1:48:00 | |
Northern Ireland was a byword for political crisis and instability. | 1:48:00 | 1:48:04 | |
Devolution was in crisis. Stormont was teetering on the brink. | 1:48:04 | 1:48:09 | |
Our rivals were cocky about their election chances, | 1:48:09 | 1:48:13 | |
already measuring up their curtains for their new offices. | 1:48:13 | 1:48:16 | |
LAUGHTER | 1:48:16 | 1:48:18 | |
And the pundits were yet again predicting the demise of the DUP. | 1:48:18 | 1:48:22 | |
Jon Tonge is Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool | 1:48:25 | 1:48:29 | |
and co-author of a book on the DUP. | 1:48:29 | 1:48:31 | |
My thoughts at the DUP conference were Arlene Foster, First Minister | 1:48:34 | 1:48:38 | |
until 2021 and beyond, and full steam ahead for the DUP. | 1:48:38 | 1:48:43 | |
I thought the DUP would be governing Northern Ireland... | 1:48:43 | 1:48:47 | |
essentially in perpetuity, | 1:48:47 | 1:48:49 | |
albeit in partnership with Sinn Fein. | 1:48:49 | 1:48:51 | |
I think what the DUP forgot was that the whole of | 1:48:51 | 1:48:56 | |
the Good Friday Agreement is built upon a partnership. | 1:48:56 | 1:48:58 | |
It only takes one partner to walk away, | 1:48:58 | 1:49:01 | |
and the whole edifice collapses. | 1:49:01 | 1:49:03 | |
But the responsibilities we do have, in terms of education... | 1:49:03 | 1:49:06 | |
Daithi McKay resigned as a Sinn Fein MLA last year, | 1:49:06 | 1:49:10 | |
after the party suspended him over claims he'd coached a blogger | 1:49:10 | 1:49:14 | |
to give evidence to a Stormont inquiry. | 1:49:14 | 1:49:17 | |
He worked alongside Arlene Foster in the Assembly. | 1:49:17 | 1:49:21 | |
There was a hope, I think, that | 1:49:21 | 1:49:24 | |
she would be more modern, | 1:49:24 | 1:49:26 | |
that she was relatively younger | 1:49:26 | 1:49:28 | |
and that she would be business-like in how she dealt with things. | 1:49:28 | 1:49:32 | |
# Arlene is our leader | 1:49:34 | 1:49:35 | |
# We shall not be moved... # | 1:49:35 | 1:49:37 | |
Arlene Foster is no moderate. She is a tough, tough unionist. | 1:49:37 | 1:49:42 | |
She had led the party to a 38-seat win at the May elections last year, | 1:49:42 | 1:49:46 | |
a resounding victory for the new leader. | 1:49:46 | 1:49:49 | |
CHEERING | 1:49:49 | 1:49:50 | |
-Hip! Hip! -CROWD: -Hooray! | 1:49:50 | 1:49:52 | |
I think the DUP, to some extent, | 1:49:54 | 1:49:56 | |
in their celebrations of the May 2016 result, probably took | 1:49:56 | 1:50:00 | |
their eye off the ball somewhat and didn't see the danger signs. | 1:50:00 | 1:50:03 | |
I think the DUP miscalculated. | 1:50:03 | 1:50:05 | |
I don't think for one moment they really thought that Sinn Fein | 1:50:05 | 1:50:08 | |
would collapse the Executive. | 1:50:08 | 1:50:11 | |
Just ten weeks after a triumphant DUP Party Conference, Arlene Foster | 1:50:12 | 1:50:17 | |
found herself out of a job as First Minister. | 1:50:17 | 1:50:20 | |
Arlene Foster is damaged goods by virtue of the fact that she's | 1:50:21 | 1:50:24 | |
effectively been sacked by Martin McGuinness's resignation. | 1:50:24 | 1:50:27 | |
So that's simply a statement of fact - she is damaged. | 1:50:27 | 1:50:30 | |
The question for Arlene Foster is, | 1:50:30 | 1:50:32 | |
can she ever resume as First Minister? | 1:50:32 | 1:50:35 | |
The "cash for ash" controversy sparked discontent in | 1:50:35 | 1:50:39 | |
the relationship between the DUP and Sinn Fein. | 1:50:39 | 1:50:42 | |
But the decision by a DUP minister to withdraw, | 1:50:44 | 1:50:47 | |
just before Christmas, | 1:50:47 | 1:50:49 | |
£50,000 in funding for an Irish language scheme | 1:50:49 | 1:50:53 | |
was akin to pouring petrol on the fire. | 1:50:53 | 1:50:55 | |
In his two-page resignation letter, | 1:50:57 | 1:50:59 | |
Martin McGuinness listed a catalogue of his party's grievances. | 1:50:59 | 1:51:04 | |
But some believe Sinn Fein pulled the house down | 1:51:04 | 1:51:07 | |
to forward their own agenda. | 1:51:07 | 1:51:09 | |
Sinn Fein were losing votes. | 1:51:10 | 1:51:12 | |
That's why they decided that they wanted to re-engage | 1:51:12 | 1:51:16 | |
with their base in this way that they've done. | 1:51:16 | 1:51:20 | |
In the last election, they took a very significant drop, | 1:51:20 | 1:51:24 | |
and that's why Sinn Fein has done what it's done. | 1:51:24 | 1:51:26 | |
That's the real reason, underlying it. | 1:51:26 | 1:51:29 | |
The scandal over that heating scheme is the pretext, | 1:51:29 | 1:51:34 | |
but the real reason is their loss of support. | 1:51:34 | 1:51:36 | |
There is no political institution in the world | 1:51:36 | 1:51:38 | |
would have survived the alleged corruption | 1:51:38 | 1:51:41 | |
we have witnessed and been witness to | 1:51:41 | 1:51:43 | |
over these number of months. | 1:51:43 | 1:51:45 | |
It's not about an attempt to increase our mandate. | 1:51:45 | 1:51:49 | |
This is about defending the principles of | 1:51:49 | 1:51:51 | |
the Good Friday Agreement, defending the Good Friday Agreement | 1:51:51 | 1:51:54 | |
and defending the integrity of government. | 1:51:54 | 1:51:57 | |
Despite John O'Dowd's assertions, | 1:51:57 | 1:51:59 | |
some believe that the collapse of power sharing | 1:51:59 | 1:52:02 | |
really is all about Sinn Fein. | 1:52:02 | 1:52:04 | |
It was Sinn Fein that became | 1:52:05 | 1:52:06 | |
increasingly unhappy with the arrangement, | 1:52:06 | 1:52:09 | |
because the DUP, they felt that they were in the ascendency. | 1:52:09 | 1:52:12 | |
Sinn Fein felt that they were simply having to go with the DUP agenda. | 1:52:12 | 1:52:17 | |
As a former Sinn Fein insider, | 1:52:17 | 1:52:19 | |
Daithi McKay has an insight into the party's election strategy. | 1:52:19 | 1:52:23 | |
I do think that Sinn Fein now find themselves in a position | 1:52:23 | 1:52:26 | |
where they have a political opportunity, | 1:52:26 | 1:52:29 | |
and that they can help to mobilise | 1:52:29 | 1:52:31 | |
a dormant republican, nationalist vote, | 1:52:31 | 1:52:34 | |
that certainly exists out there. | 1:52:34 | 1:52:36 | |
In politics, there's always a game within a game. | 1:52:36 | 1:52:39 | |
What do you think your former party's strategy is? | 1:52:39 | 1:52:42 | |
Its strategy is to go back into the Executive with a stronger position. | 1:52:43 | 1:52:48 | |
So Sinn Fein shouldn't be rushing in | 1:52:48 | 1:52:50 | |
to restore the Executive and the Assembly again | 1:52:50 | 1:52:53 | |
until they make some significant gain. | 1:52:53 | 1:52:57 | |
Sinn Fein's election message has been consistent. | 1:52:57 | 1:53:01 | |
There will be no return to the status quo. | 1:53:01 | 1:53:03 | |
..back to the status quo... | 1:53:03 | 1:53:04 | |
There will be no return to the status quo. | 1:53:04 | 1:53:05 | |
-There will be no return... -There will be no return to the status quo. | 1:53:05 | 1:53:08 | |
..to the status quo. | 1:53:08 | 1:53:09 | |
It means, for Sinn Fein, that they're not going to go back | 1:53:11 | 1:53:14 | |
into government as secondary to the DUP, in their view. | 1:53:14 | 1:53:18 | |
So it means change, probably on an Irish language act. | 1:53:18 | 1:53:22 | |
It means change on such things as a same-sex marriage, | 1:53:22 | 1:53:26 | |
and it means a greater equality, a co-badging, in many ways, | 1:53:26 | 1:53:29 | |
of First and Deputy First Minister. | 1:53:29 | 1:53:32 | |
If Sinn Fein don't get those, then, for Sinn Fein, | 1:53:32 | 1:53:35 | |
whilst they wouldn't welcome British direct rule, | 1:53:35 | 1:53:37 | |
for obvious reasons, they may feel they have less to lose than | 1:53:37 | 1:53:40 | |
the DUP, at least for a limited period of British direct rule. | 1:53:40 | 1:53:45 | |
That, of course, may seem very ironic | 1:53:45 | 1:53:47 | |
for an Irish republican party, but that's the current situation. | 1:53:47 | 1:53:51 | |
Are republicans restless for change? | 1:53:51 | 1:53:54 | |
On the last day of the Assembly, | 1:53:54 | 1:53:55 | |
People Before Profit's Eamonn McCann told us they are. | 1:53:55 | 1:53:59 | |
The structures up here in Stormont | 1:54:01 | 1:54:03 | |
were sold to rank and file republicans | 1:54:03 | 1:54:06 | |
as an alternative path to a united Ireland. | 1:54:06 | 1:54:09 | |
Abandon armed struggle, because we have discovered | 1:54:09 | 1:54:12 | |
a different project which will carry you forward. | 1:54:12 | 1:54:14 | |
That was accepted by the great bulk, sort of, | 1:54:14 | 1:54:17 | |
of members of Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA. | 1:54:17 | 1:54:20 | |
So the reason why Sinn Fein stayed for so long, | 1:54:20 | 1:54:23 | |
to the frustration of many in the rank and file, | 1:54:23 | 1:54:25 | |
to anger of the rank and file, | 1:54:25 | 1:54:26 | |
is that, having dropped the traditional republican idea | 1:54:26 | 1:54:30 | |
of armed struggle until there's a united Ireland, | 1:54:30 | 1:54:34 | |
their alternative having now collapsed, | 1:54:34 | 1:54:37 | |
what's their next trick? | 1:54:37 | 1:54:38 | |
What's Sinn Fein's next trick? | 1:54:38 | 1:54:40 | |
I think it would be foolish for republicans | 1:54:40 | 1:54:43 | |
to rush back into the Assembly, and the Executive. | 1:54:43 | 1:54:47 | |
I think that republicans continually need to review | 1:54:47 | 1:54:52 | |
whether their strategy is going to deliver on their ultimate objective, | 1:54:52 | 1:54:56 | |
which is a united Ireland. | 1:54:56 | 1:54:58 | |
The question now is has society moved on? | 1:55:05 | 1:55:10 | |
We're just going to jog down to the bottom of the field, right? | 1:55:10 | 1:55:13 | |
Then we're going to come up, right up to the top of the field. | 1:55:13 | 1:55:16 | |
In Keady, the Armagh junior camogie team | 1:55:16 | 1:55:19 | |
is training ahead of a busy competitive season. | 1:55:19 | 1:55:22 | |
We're trying to get up and down the field. | 1:55:24 | 1:55:26 | |
We're trying to get ourselves warmed up. | 1:55:26 | 1:55:28 | |
Many here travel to and from their jobs in Belfast | 1:55:28 | 1:55:31 | |
for their twice-weekly training sessions. | 1:55:31 | 1:55:34 | |
I think this generation of girls we see out here this evening | 1:55:36 | 1:55:39 | |
have been completely shielded from, you know, | 1:55:39 | 1:55:42 | |
maybe our generation when we were playing sport. | 1:55:42 | 1:55:45 | |
It's absolutely brilliant that they don't have, you know, | 1:55:45 | 1:55:49 | |
that additional worry or fear. | 1:55:49 | 1:55:52 | |
Absolutely, it's clearly onwards and upwards. | 1:55:52 | 1:55:56 | |
We'd like to think that we wouldn't go back to the dark days. | 1:55:56 | 1:56:00 | |
Grainne Kelly is the team's joint captain. | 1:56:00 | 1:56:02 | |
Do you have a personal view on the situation at Stormont | 1:56:04 | 1:56:07 | |
and on power sharing? | 1:56:07 | 1:56:08 | |
It's a bit rubbish. | 1:56:08 | 1:56:10 | |
The Good Friday Agreement was that long ago now | 1:56:10 | 1:56:12 | |
that things should really be running quite smoothly. | 1:56:12 | 1:56:15 | |
It's nice to think that we don't have to worry about, | 1:56:15 | 1:56:17 | |
you know, who follows what political party, | 1:56:17 | 1:56:20 | |
and it doesn't matter where you are from, | 1:56:20 | 1:56:22 | |
and it would be sad to think that we would go back to that. | 1:56:22 | 1:56:26 | |
Do you and your peers aspire to live in a united Ireland | 1:56:26 | 1:56:30 | |
or are you happy to live in a Northern Ireland at peace? | 1:56:30 | 1:56:35 | |
I would be happy to live in Northern Ireland at peace | 1:56:35 | 1:56:38 | |
as opposed to maybe live in a united Ireland | 1:56:38 | 1:56:42 | |
that's going to cause more uproar | 1:56:42 | 1:56:43 | |
and is going to cause more fighting and things to reoccur. | 1:56:43 | 1:56:46 | |
Whatever has happened to attitudes here | 1:56:54 | 1:56:57 | |
in the 19 years since the Good Friday Agreement, | 1:56:57 | 1:57:00 | |
the world has moved on. | 1:57:00 | 1:57:02 | |
In the last ten months alone, | 1:57:02 | 1:57:04 | |
there have been significant geopolitical shifts | 1:57:04 | 1:57:07 | |
on both sides of the Atlantic. | 1:57:07 | 1:57:09 | |
Congratulations, Mr President. | 1:57:11 | 1:57:13 | |
The British people have spoken, and the answer is we're out. | 1:57:15 | 1:57:19 | |
Britain is distracted by Brexit, | 1:57:21 | 1:57:23 | |
the Republic by its own political crisis, | 1:57:23 | 1:57:26 | |
and the US by its new President. | 1:57:26 | 1:57:29 | |
The latest Stormont crisis shows no sign of triggering | 1:57:29 | 1:57:32 | |
major diplomatic efforts to get power sharing back on track. | 1:57:32 | 1:57:36 | |
And some believe that Brexit has made | 1:57:39 | 1:57:41 | |
a very significant contribution to the fracturing of power sharing. | 1:57:41 | 1:57:45 | |
Brexit has been a really, really big fault line | 1:57:47 | 1:57:52 | |
in this whole recent scene. | 1:57:52 | 1:57:54 | |
For nationalists and republicans, | 1:57:54 | 1:57:57 | |
the possible resurrection of the border is getting in the way | 1:57:57 | 1:58:01 | |
of why they signed up to the Good Friday Agreement, | 1:58:01 | 1:58:04 | |
which is they could retain their legitimate... | 1:58:04 | 1:58:07 | |
They may disagree or agree, but it's a legitimate political objective, | 1:58:07 | 1:58:11 | |
provided it's by the vote and not by the bomb | 1:58:11 | 1:58:14 | |
to achieve a united Ireland. | 1:58:14 | 1:58:17 | |
Unionists will fight it all the way, | 1:58:17 | 1:58:20 | |
that's a legitimate political objective for them. | 1:58:20 | 1:58:22 | |
I think that's destabilised the situation, | 1:58:22 | 1:58:25 | |
and in turn made unionists dig in. | 1:58:25 | 1:58:28 | |
Northern Ireland voted to remain in the EU by a majority of 56%. | 1:58:29 | 1:58:35 | |
Sinn Fein immediately demanded a border poll... | 1:58:35 | 1:58:39 | |
We're calling for a border poll, of course, | 1:58:39 | 1:58:41 | |
because we're united Irelanders. | 1:58:41 | 1:58:43 | |
..but was quickly dismissed by Arlene Foster. | 1:58:43 | 1:58:46 | |
The Secretary of State has already indicated | 1:58:46 | 1:58:48 | |
that the test has not been met to call a border poll. | 1:58:48 | 1:58:52 | |
I suppose the call for the border poll | 1:58:52 | 1:58:55 | |
was as predictable as the flowers in May. | 1:58:55 | 1:58:58 | |
We knew it would come, but the test has not been met. | 1:58:58 | 1:59:02 | |
The Sinn Fein president has said | 1:59:02 | 1:59:04 | |
taking Northern Ireland out of the EU | 1:59:04 | 1:59:07 | |
will destroy the Good Friday Agreement, | 1:59:07 | 1:59:09 | |
claiming it would be a "hostile action". | 1:59:09 | 1:59:11 | |
Brexit poses unprecedented political, economic | 1:59:13 | 1:59:17 | |
and diplomatic challenges to peace and prosperity on this island. | 1:59:17 | 1:59:21 | |
But in an interview to an online news channel, | 1:59:21 | 1:59:24 | |
Gerry Adams also said that Brexit may offer the chance | 1:59:24 | 1:59:28 | |
to win further political concessions. | 1:59:28 | 1:59:31 | |
In a way, then, Brexit is a gift for you, right? | 1:59:31 | 1:59:35 | |
You campaigned against it, | 1:59:35 | 1:59:36 | |
but now that it's happening, | 1:59:36 | 1:59:38 | |
you're using it to make the case for a united Ireland. | 1:59:38 | 1:59:41 | |
Yeah, well you always have to... | 1:59:41 | 1:59:43 | |
never waste a crisis, never waste a difficulty. | 1:59:43 | 1:59:47 | |
We don't believe in a scorched earth policy | 1:59:47 | 1:59:49 | |
for creating a united Ireland. We want to build this place up, | 1:59:49 | 1:59:52 | |
we want to, of course, integrate across the island, | 1:59:52 | 1:59:54 | |
but we need to have Northern Ireland working as well, | 1:59:54 | 1:59:57 | |
and I just think it's a very dangerous kind of strategy | 1:59:57 | 2:00:00 | |
to say, "Let's have Brexit and that will somehow | 2:00:00 | 2:00:02 | |
"magically bring a united Ireland." | 2:00:02 | 2:00:04 | |
The DUP led the Leave campaign In Northern Ireland. | 2:00:04 | 2:00:08 | |
Some suggest that unionists who voted for Brexit | 2:00:08 | 2:00:12 | |
may unintentionally have advanced the prospect of a united Ireland. | 2:00:12 | 2:00:16 | |
People are now talking, to some extent seriously, | 2:00:17 | 2:00:20 | |
about a united Ireland again, | 2:00:20 | 2:00:22 | |
as a consequence of Brexit. | 2:00:22 | 2:00:23 | |
I think the DUP had not really thought through Brexit. | 2:00:23 | 2:00:25 | |
They hadn't really thought about the border. | 2:00:25 | 2:00:27 | |
Very few people had thought about the border. | 2:00:27 | 2:00:29 | |
UUP party leader Mike Nesbitt, | 2:00:30 | 2:00:32 | |
who campaigned to Remain, | 2:00:32 | 2:00:34 | |
warned that Brexit could lead to the break-up of the UK. | 2:00:34 | 2:00:37 | |
I'm not sure how deeply anybody thought | 2:00:39 | 2:00:43 | |
about the vote and, you know, I think what has been destabilising | 2:00:43 | 2:00:46 | |
is the lack of response | 2:00:46 | 2:00:48 | |
from the Northern Ireland Executive to Brexit. | 2:00:48 | 2:00:50 | |
The politics of identity, some suggest, | 2:00:52 | 2:00:55 | |
is at the core of much of the friction at Stormont. | 2:00:55 | 2:00:59 | |
The result is an increasingly polarised political discourse | 2:00:59 | 2:01:02 | |
because, according to some, the middle has been hollowed out. | 2:01:02 | 2:01:06 | |
This is the border between Arlene Foster | 2:01:08 | 2:01:11 | |
and Michelle O'Neill's constituencies - | 2:01:11 | 2:01:13 | |
the leaders of the two biggest parties in a power-sharing system | 2:01:13 | 2:01:18 | |
that seems to leave less and less room | 2:01:18 | 2:01:21 | |
for the middle ground of Northern Ireland politics. | 2:01:21 | 2:01:24 | |
There was clearly a view in governments in London and Dublin | 2:01:27 | 2:01:30 | |
that we needed to bring in the extremes into government | 2:01:30 | 2:01:33 | |
in order for it to work, | 2:01:33 | 2:01:34 | |
and that's an understandable strategy, but it hasn't worked. | 2:01:34 | 2:01:38 | |
We now don't have a government. | 2:01:38 | 2:01:40 | |
Even when we did have a government, they didn't deliver anything. | 2:01:40 | 2:01:43 | |
The middle ground wants to work together, the other's don't. | 2:01:43 | 2:01:47 | |
Mike Nesbitt's recent comments that he intends to give the SDLP | 2:01:47 | 2:01:51 | |
his second preference vote in the upcoming election | 2:01:51 | 2:01:54 | |
sparked controversy within his party, | 2:01:54 | 2:01:57 | |
but he's denied he made a mistake. | 2:01:57 | 2:01:59 | |
I think there's a middle step, | 2:01:59 | 2:02:01 | |
and it's the one I'm calling for in this election, | 2:02:01 | 2:02:03 | |
and that is a partnership of the willing. | 2:02:03 | 2:02:05 | |
It's still going to be compulsory, it's still mandatory, | 2:02:05 | 2:02:08 | |
but it's done between two parties | 2:02:08 | 2:02:10 | |
who are doing it for a bigger and better reason. | 2:02:10 | 2:02:13 | |
I think it is a very brave call of Mike Nesbitt | 2:02:13 | 2:02:15 | |
to call for cross-community transfers across the divide, | 2:02:15 | 2:02:18 | |
because it goes against all the statistical evidence | 2:02:18 | 2:02:21 | |
in respect of cross-community transfers that we have had to date, | 2:02:21 | 2:02:24 | |
so it would be a brave, bold new era for Northern Ireland if it happens. | 2:02:24 | 2:02:30 | |
If we are going to be 21st century leaders, | 2:02:30 | 2:02:33 | |
we need to be confident enough to say, | 2:02:33 | 2:02:35 | |
as a unionist - I am a proud unionist - | 2:02:35 | 2:02:37 | |
"The union is safe but it will be even safer | 2:02:37 | 2:02:41 | |
"if nationalists are comfortable within Northern Ireland." | 2:02:41 | 2:02:45 | |
For Alliance leader Naomi Long, | 2:02:47 | 2:02:48 | |
the common good should be the driving force | 2:02:48 | 2:02:51 | |
for a new power sharing Executive. | 2:02:51 | 2:02:53 | |
Power sharing, in its truest form, | 2:02:53 | 2:02:55 | |
where it's focused on the people we serve, and not self-service, | 2:02:55 | 2:03:00 | |
ought, actually, to be relatively simple. | 2:03:00 | 2:03:02 | |
There are of course philosophical divisions between parties, | 2:03:02 | 2:03:06 | |
people who have different perspectives on the economy, | 2:03:06 | 2:03:08 | |
people who have different perspectives | 2:03:08 | 2:03:10 | |
even on moral questions, | 2:03:10 | 2:03:11 | |
but we should be able to work through those together, | 2:03:11 | 2:03:14 | |
in terms of power sharing, | 2:03:14 | 2:03:15 | |
by being able to see the bigger picture, | 2:03:15 | 2:03:17 | |
and that is what is in the best interests | 2:03:17 | 2:03:19 | |
of the public that we're here to serve. | 2:03:19 | 2:03:21 | |
The Good Friday Agreement generation | 2:03:24 | 2:03:26 | |
has largely grown up under devolution. | 2:03:26 | 2:03:28 | |
Hiya. I'm Jennifer. Nice to meet you. | 2:03:29 | 2:03:31 | |
'I've come to meet a group of them - all politics students at Queen's.' | 2:03:31 | 2:03:36 | |
I think we should move to an adversarial system of government, | 2:03:36 | 2:03:39 | |
where we have an official government and an official opposition, and | 2:03:39 | 2:03:42 | |
they actually can take turns to be the government and the opposition. | 2:03:42 | 2:03:47 | |
Do you think that politics at Stormont | 2:03:47 | 2:03:48 | |
is a fair reflection of society? | 2:03:48 | 2:03:51 | |
I think parties here, they have their strongholds and they know that | 2:03:51 | 2:03:57 | |
they're safe in those strongholds, and they focus all of their efforts, | 2:03:57 | 2:03:59 | |
all of their political will, towards those strongholds. | 2:03:59 | 2:04:02 | |
They don't try to reach out. There's no need for them | 2:04:02 | 2:04:04 | |
to shake up their policies or to progress in any way. | 2:04:04 | 2:04:07 | |
Just to take a straw poll. | 2:04:07 | 2:04:08 | |
Who here thinks that power sharing is working? | 2:04:08 | 2:04:11 | |
'Just 4 out of 12.' | 2:04:13 | 2:04:15 | |
I think power sharing has been good. You know, we have | 2:04:16 | 2:04:20 | |
went through a lot of problems in this country, and it has helped us | 2:04:20 | 2:04:24 | |
to move forward as a society. | 2:04:24 | 2:04:27 | |
I think the kind of prevailing opinion, particularly amongst | 2:04:27 | 2:04:30 | |
our generation, is that power sharing was great in 1998, it | 2:04:30 | 2:04:35 | |
has brought peace, but we do need a change in the structures of | 2:04:35 | 2:04:39 | |
government, the structures of how our politics actually works | 2:04:39 | 2:04:42 | |
here. I think we have a serious problem with a lack of | 2:04:42 | 2:04:46 | |
accountability within our Assembly, within our government. | 2:04:46 | 2:04:49 | |
It seems likely fresh talks on the other side of the election | 2:04:51 | 2:04:54 | |
will consider potential structural changes at Stormont. | 2:04:54 | 2:04:58 | |
We'd actually like to see a review, reform and revitalisation | 2:04:59 | 2:05:03 | |
of the Good Friday Agreement | 2:05:03 | 2:05:04 | |
to bring our structures up to the modern day. | 2:05:04 | 2:05:07 | |
I think we'd have to look at, for example, voluntary coalition. | 2:05:07 | 2:05:10 | |
I think we do need to get rid of community designation | 2:05:10 | 2:05:13 | |
and stop dividing our society as nationalist and unionist - | 2:05:13 | 2:05:16 | |
it's about one Northern Ireland, not two divided communities. | 2:05:16 | 2:05:20 | |
So I think we should do that, | 2:05:20 | 2:05:21 | |
but I think we should do it in the context | 2:05:21 | 2:05:23 | |
of a constitutional convention, | 2:05:23 | 2:05:24 | |
where we bring in citizens to have their say. | 2:05:24 | 2:05:27 | |
It was the people's agreement, | 2:05:27 | 2:05:28 | |
we need to return it back to the people. | 2:05:28 | 2:05:32 | |
The centrepiece of the Belfast Agreement | 2:05:32 | 2:05:33 | |
was mandatory coalition, and it's lying in tatters. | 2:05:33 | 2:05:36 | |
I am not opposed to voluntary coalition. | 2:05:36 | 2:05:38 | |
That's the only way we are going to get | 2:05:38 | 2:05:40 | |
durable, respectable, workable devolution. | 2:05:40 | 2:05:43 | |
You have to work it on the basic democratic process | 2:05:43 | 2:05:46 | |
that the people are those who have the discretion | 2:05:46 | 2:05:49 | |
as to who is in government and who is out, | 2:05:49 | 2:05:52 | |
and recognising that, at its heart, voluntary not mandatory coalition | 2:05:52 | 2:05:56 | |
is the way to go. If that can't be done, | 2:05:56 | 2:05:58 | |
then this Stormont and these structures | 2:05:58 | 2:06:01 | |
are not worth keeping, because they are not delivering. | 2:06:01 | 2:06:05 | |
It isn't just those determined to scrap mandatory coalition | 2:06:07 | 2:06:10 | |
who recognise it can have serious drawbacks. | 2:06:10 | 2:06:13 | |
I do think there are dangers in the sort of forced coalition system | 2:06:15 | 2:06:18 | |
you have in power sharing, | 2:06:18 | 2:06:20 | |
because it leads to a sort of stasis in government - | 2:06:20 | 2:06:22 | |
no-one is in opposition, | 2:06:22 | 2:06:23 | |
everyone is in government and it leads to corruption, | 2:06:23 | 2:06:25 | |
it leads to the staleness of any ideas. | 2:06:25 | 2:06:27 | |
This systems privileges stability over almost everything else. | 2:06:27 | 2:06:33 | |
Competence in government, accountability, | 2:06:33 | 2:06:36 | |
all of those things come secondary. | 2:06:36 | 2:06:38 | |
All the parties there, | 2:06:38 | 2:06:39 | |
as long as they play the game of the tribal tribune - | 2:06:39 | 2:06:44 | |
the person who's coming to represent the Gael or the planter, | 2:06:44 | 2:06:47 | |
then you come home without necessarily delivering the goods, | 2:06:47 | 2:06:51 | |
and you can always blame the other side | 2:06:51 | 2:06:52 | |
for the fact that you didn't get the goods. | 2:06:52 | 2:06:55 | |
But is Northern Ireland ready to scrap mandatory coalition | 2:06:55 | 2:07:00 | |
in favour of majority rule? | 2:07:00 | 2:07:02 | |
If you can get beyond sectarian parties | 2:07:02 | 2:07:04 | |
then you could, of course, you could get have majoritarianism, | 2:07:04 | 2:07:06 | |
but we are not there yet. | 2:07:06 | 2:07:07 | |
We don't even seem to be even moving very fast in that direction. | 2:07:07 | 2:07:10 | |
I don't believe in changing | 2:07:10 | 2:07:11 | |
the mandatory coalition model that we have. | 2:07:11 | 2:07:14 | |
I think we need to protect minorities, | 2:07:14 | 2:07:16 | |
and that's the vehicle for doing it. | 2:07:16 | 2:07:18 | |
We need to change how we operate in the Assembly. | 2:07:18 | 2:07:20 | |
We need to get rid of half of the Spads that we have. | 2:07:20 | 2:07:23 | |
We need to curb their pay and curb their power. | 2:07:23 | 2:07:26 | |
I think those are the kinds of things | 2:07:26 | 2:07:27 | |
that could begin to open Stormont up. | 2:07:27 | 2:07:29 | |
If a power sharing Executive cannot be formed after the election, | 2:07:29 | 2:07:33 | |
a return to direct rule may supersede | 2:07:33 | 2:07:36 | |
efforts to restore devolution. | 2:07:36 | 2:07:39 | |
Sinn Fein might take a gamble | 2:07:39 | 2:07:40 | |
that direct rule will have a greener tinge to it, | 2:07:40 | 2:07:43 | |
because the British government needs the Irish government at the moment | 2:07:43 | 2:07:46 | |
on issues relating to Brexit, | 2:07:46 | 2:07:48 | |
and so direct rule might be not quite the same from Westminster | 2:07:48 | 2:07:52 | |
over the next couple of years as it would normally. | 2:07:52 | 2:07:54 | |
Direct rule is unpopular. | 2:07:54 | 2:07:56 | |
Most people do want a devolved government in Northern Ireland, | 2:07:56 | 2:07:59 | |
or you could have joint authority, | 2:07:59 | 2:08:00 | |
which would be a hard sell to unionists, to put it mildly. | 2:08:00 | 2:08:03 | |
Until we get to the point | 2:08:03 | 2:08:04 | |
where people stop trying each other's patience | 2:08:04 | 2:08:06 | |
and start to be a little more gracious, | 2:08:06 | 2:08:09 | |
and perhaps a little more generous | 2:08:09 | 2:08:10 | |
in how they operate these institutions, | 2:08:10 | 2:08:12 | |
we will continue to find ourselves back at this juncture. | 2:08:12 | 2:08:16 | |
It's Saturday morning, | 2:08:16 | 2:08:17 | |
and East Belfast Football Club is playing against 18th Newtownabbey | 2:08:17 | 2:08:21 | |
in the quarterfinal of the Templeton Cup. | 2:08:21 | 2:08:24 | |
I'm here to find out how the election pledges | 2:08:27 | 2:08:30 | |
and political party appeals | 2:08:30 | 2:08:31 | |
are playing with a younger generation in East Belfast. | 2:08:31 | 2:08:34 | |
I think Stormont is almost akin to the likes of a playground. | 2:08:36 | 2:08:39 | |
The DUP and Sinn Fein tap into the things | 2:08:39 | 2:08:42 | |
that are most dearest to us in the community - | 2:08:42 | 2:08:44 | |
they tap into our identity. They tap into... | 2:08:44 | 2:08:46 | |
Sinn Fein are looking at Irish language, | 2:08:47 | 2:08:49 | |
the DUP tap into our potential anxiety, | 2:08:49 | 2:08:52 | |
but our passion for the union. | 2:08:52 | 2:08:53 | |
But they use that, actually, to their own advantage - | 2:08:53 | 2:08:55 | |
whether it's to get votes, whether it's to get popularity, whether... | 2:08:55 | 2:08:58 | |
It's ultimately, in my opinion, to get power. | 2:08:58 | 2:09:01 | |
Would you trust a nationalist or a republican First Minister? | 2:09:03 | 2:09:07 | |
I can't seem to trust my own local, my own politicians, | 2:09:07 | 2:09:10 | |
so it's hard to take that I'll trust somebody | 2:09:10 | 2:09:12 | |
on the other side of the community. | 2:09:12 | 2:09:14 | |
It doesn't matter whether it's a Green First Minister | 2:09:16 | 2:09:19 | |
or another First Minister, | 2:09:19 | 2:09:20 | |
they both have to sort of come to terms | 2:09:20 | 2:09:22 | |
and make a decision between themselves. | 2:09:22 | 2:09:24 | |
One can't do one without the other. | 2:09:24 | 2:09:26 | |
Will you vote, and what would you like to see done with your vote? | 2:09:26 | 2:09:30 | |
I'm not too sure, personally, if I will vote. | 2:09:30 | 2:09:32 | |
It's obviously clear what's going on up there is a shambles. | 2:09:32 | 2:09:36 | |
Maybe it'd be better saying what I don't want to see done | 2:09:36 | 2:09:38 | |
with my vote. I don't want to see just a continued pattern of things | 2:09:38 | 2:09:41 | |
that have been happening for the last 20 years. | 2:09:41 | 2:09:44 | |
Our country was so desperate to put an end to the conflict we had | 2:09:45 | 2:09:49 | |
that we substituted a violent conflict for a political one, | 2:09:49 | 2:09:53 | |
and the latter is far better than the former, | 2:09:53 | 2:09:55 | |
but both of them seem equally ineffective. | 2:09:55 | 2:09:58 | |
Power sharing offers all the major parties | 2:10:04 | 2:10:06 | |
a seat at the Executive table, | 2:10:06 | 2:10:09 | |
but it can't force them to agree once they get there. | 2:10:09 | 2:10:12 | |
And of all the issues that continue to divide, | 2:10:12 | 2:10:15 | |
none is more poisonous than the past. | 2:10:15 | 2:10:17 | |
Last week, in her home village in County Tyrone, | 2:10:19 | 2:10:22 | |
Michelle O'Neill attended a commemoration | 2:10:22 | 2:10:24 | |
of four IRA men who were shot dead by the SAS 25 years ago. | 2:10:24 | 2:10:29 | |
These four young men that we remember tonight | 2:10:29 | 2:10:31 | |
weren't afraid of any challenge. | 2:10:31 | 2:10:33 | |
They faced it head on. | 2:10:33 | 2:10:35 | |
They did so out of a desire to build a new future. | 2:10:35 | 2:10:38 | |
In Belfast, in a BBC studio, Arlene Foster gave her reaction. | 2:10:40 | 2:10:45 | |
There can be no equivalence between terrorism | 2:10:45 | 2:10:48 | |
and those people who stood between those of us in society | 2:10:48 | 2:10:52 | |
who were living through it, | 2:10:52 | 2:10:54 | |
ie the security forces who were protecting people | 2:10:54 | 2:10:58 | |
and terrorists who were going out in the dark of night to murder people. | 2:10:58 | 2:11:01 | |
There are some who would say | 2:11:01 | 2:11:02 | |
we have no right to remember or honour them. | 2:11:02 | 2:11:05 | |
We have absolutely every right. | 2:11:05 | 2:11:08 | |
What do you make of her attendance at that event tonight? | 2:11:08 | 2:11:11 | |
I mean, it is what it is, and, eh... | 2:11:11 | 2:11:14 | |
I have to say no surprise given her antecedents, | 2:11:14 | 2:11:18 | |
so I'm not surprised. | 2:11:18 | 2:11:20 | |
The pain of victims' families is proving an insoluble problem. | 2:11:22 | 2:11:27 | |
You could never change what had happened for them, | 2:11:28 | 2:11:31 | |
but the one thing that they always used to say, | 2:11:31 | 2:11:35 | |
and I would say to them, | 2:11:35 | 2:11:37 | |
their sacrifices helped us to work for the future. | 2:11:37 | 2:11:42 | |
I never said that... When you take the number of people who died | 2:11:44 | 2:11:49 | |
and the number of the injured, it's just short of 40,000. | 2:11:49 | 2:11:53 | |
I never said you could deal with each of those individual cases. | 2:11:53 | 2:11:57 | |
And I don't really feel that if you keep trying to do that | 2:11:57 | 2:12:01 | |
or talking about trying to do that, it's a good idea. | 2:12:01 | 2:12:04 | |
It's not possible. It's just not possible. | 2:12:04 | 2:12:07 | |
From this hill in Dungannon you are supposed to get a clear view | 2:12:12 | 2:12:16 | |
of all of Northern Ireland and beyond, | 2:12:16 | 2:12:19 | |
but not on a misty day. | 2:12:19 | 2:12:20 | |
Some argue our view of the past is clouded | 2:12:22 | 2:12:25 | |
as much by what we forget as by what we remember. | 2:12:25 | 2:12:29 | |
There is a bit of a problem in that a generation has now grown up | 2:12:30 | 2:12:34 | |
that did not experience the Troubles and did not realise | 2:12:34 | 2:12:38 | |
the problems we were dealing with, | 2:12:38 | 2:12:41 | |
and did not realise how those problems were in fact resolved. | 2:12:41 | 2:12:45 | |
There are people, then, who are vulnerable | 2:12:45 | 2:12:47 | |
because they don't know, | 2:12:47 | 2:12:49 | |
and they may be fed an incorrect version of what happened. | 2:12:49 | 2:12:54 | |
We have got to have a degree of frankness | 2:12:54 | 2:12:58 | |
and an awareness of how we must ensure that it doesn't happen again. | 2:12:58 | 2:13:03 | |
The Good Friday Agreement, | 2:13:04 | 2:13:06 | |
a peace deal based on compromise, | 2:13:06 | 2:13:08 | |
was endorsed by a majority in Northern Ireland. | 2:13:08 | 2:13:11 | |
But in terms of understanding and trust between communities here, | 2:13:12 | 2:13:16 | |
it seems at times like all and nothing has changed. | 2:13:16 | 2:13:19 | |
I think a peace process is not a fairy story. | 2:13:21 | 2:13:24 | |
You don't get to live happily ever after | 2:13:24 | 2:13:26 | |
once you sign a peace agreement. | 2:13:26 | 2:13:27 | |
So, no, Northern Ireland is not suddenly a perfect | 2:13:27 | 2:13:30 | |
and wonderful society, but you no longer have the Troubles. | 2:13:30 | 2:13:32 | |
I don't believe that you are going to go back to the Troubles, | 2:13:32 | 2:13:35 | |
and that is a major gain. | 2:13:35 | 2:13:36 | |
After the election, all of the major parties | 2:13:36 | 2:13:39 | |
will have to decide what compromises they might be willing to make | 2:13:39 | 2:13:44 | |
to put power sharing back together. | 2:13:44 | 2:13:46 | |
If you don't get to a rapid agreement, | 2:13:46 | 2:13:48 | |
it could go on for a very long time | 2:13:48 | 2:13:50 | |
and both sides will then find it very difficult to compromise. | 2:13:50 | 2:13:53 | |
It will be up to voters across Northern Ireland | 2:13:53 | 2:13:56 | |
to decide who gets the opportunity to share power. | 2:13:56 | 2:14:00 | |
Those elected will have to decide | 2:14:00 | 2:14:02 | |
whether to sit at the table or sit it out. | 2:14:02 | 2:14:06 |