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We live in a decade when, for the first time in human history, | 0:00:13 | 0:00:17 | |
more people live in cities than in the countryside. | 0:00:17 | 0:00:21 | |
Cities are thought of as shining beacons of progress. | 0:00:23 | 0:00:28 | |
As they grow, they draw people to them, in search of prosperity, | 0:00:28 | 0:00:32 | |
security or a better life. | 0:00:32 | 0:00:35 | |
21 million people live in Mexico City. | 0:00:39 | 0:00:41 | |
It's one of a handful of global cities that define our modern era. | 0:00:41 | 0:00:45 | |
It's the political, cultural and economic driver of all Mexico. | 0:00:45 | 0:00:50 | |
But its size is one of its biggest problems. | 0:00:52 | 0:00:55 | |
How do you maintain order and control so many people? | 0:00:55 | 0:00:59 | |
This is not a modern problem. | 0:01:01 | 0:01:03 | |
2,000 years ago, another metropolis dominated | 0:01:03 | 0:01:06 | |
this part of the Americas, what we call Mesoamerica. | 0:01:06 | 0:01:10 | |
And this ancient city grew to dominate its population | 0:01:10 | 0:01:13 | |
and influence distant empires. | 0:01:13 | 0:01:15 | |
That city was called Teotihuacan. | 0:01:18 | 0:01:21 | |
For hundreds of years, it was the biggest in the New World. | 0:01:21 | 0:01:25 | |
Its rulers built monumental structures | 0:01:25 | 0:01:28 | |
and then went on to build a vast empire. | 0:01:28 | 0:01:32 | |
Yet, the identity of the people | 0:01:32 | 0:01:34 | |
who led this civilisation remains a mystery. | 0:01:34 | 0:01:38 | |
My name is Jago Cooper... | 0:01:42 | 0:01:45 | |
I'm a specialist in the Archaeology of the Americas. | 0:01:45 | 0:01:48 | |
In this series, I will be exploring | 0:01:48 | 0:01:51 | |
the rise and fall of forgotten civilisations, | 0:01:51 | 0:01:55 | |
from the crystal blue seas of the Caribbean, | 0:01:55 | 0:01:58 | |
to the New World's most impressive pyramids, | 0:01:58 | 0:02:02 | |
over the smoking volcanoes of Costa Rica | 0:02:02 | 0:02:05 | |
and deep underground, in the caves of central Mexico. | 0:02:05 | 0:02:09 | |
I'll travel in the footsteps of these peoples, | 0:02:14 | 0:02:16 | |
to reveal their secrets, to unearth the astonishing cultures that | 0:02:16 | 0:02:20 | |
flourished amongst some of the most dramatic landscapes in the world. | 0:02:20 | 0:02:24 | |
So, what lay behind the rise to power | 0:02:29 | 0:02:32 | |
and influence of this great city of Teotihuacan? | 0:02:32 | 0:02:36 | |
What drove this city and its people was a powerful | 0:02:36 | 0:02:39 | |
ideology of conquest, trade and religion. | 0:02:39 | 0:02:43 | |
And what I want to understand is how this once-powerful civilisation | 0:02:44 | 0:02:48 | |
went up in flames. | 0:02:48 | 0:02:50 | |
This is the Basin of Mexico. | 0:03:11 | 0:03:14 | |
It's a high plain valley where Mexico City lies. | 0:03:14 | 0:03:17 | |
But just 30 miles north-east of the capital | 0:03:23 | 0:03:26 | |
lies the remains of Teotihuacan, | 0:03:26 | 0:03:28 | |
Another great capital, that grew into an enormous city state | 0:03:28 | 0:03:33 | |
almost 2,000 years ago. | 0:03:33 | 0:03:35 | |
Little is known about the origins of Teotihuacan, | 0:03:37 | 0:03:40 | |
but, by 100BC, its population could have been as high as 20,000 people. | 0:03:40 | 0:03:45 | |
It was significant and one of many settlements in the Basin of Mexico. | 0:03:49 | 0:03:54 | |
But within 200 years, there was a huge change. | 0:03:54 | 0:03:57 | |
This is the Basin of Mexico in 100AD. | 0:03:59 | 0:04:02 | |
Teotihuacan stands out as the largest settlement in the region. | 0:04:03 | 0:04:08 | |
So, why did Teotihuacan grow so rapidly | 0:04:11 | 0:04:14 | |
and what happened to those other settlements? | 0:04:14 | 0:04:17 | |
I've come almost 50 miles southwest of Teotihuacan, to see what | 0:04:20 | 0:04:24 | |
became of one settlement whose growth came to an abrupt halt. | 0:04:24 | 0:04:28 | |
This is all that remains of the city of Cuicuilco. | 0:04:30 | 0:04:33 | |
It's well placed in the valley for rainfall and agriculture | 0:04:33 | 0:04:37 | |
and this circular temple is the first piece of monumental | 0:04:37 | 0:04:40 | |
architecture in the Basin of Mexico. | 0:04:40 | 0:04:43 | |
Started around 700BC, | 0:04:43 | 0:04:45 | |
it's completed in 400BC and during this time | 0:04:45 | 0:04:49 | |
when Cuicuilco is rising to prominence, Teotihuacan is | 0:04:49 | 0:04:52 | |
still just a provincial village. | 0:04:52 | 0:04:54 | |
But Cuicuilco had one major disadvantage. | 0:04:59 | 0:05:03 | |
It lived in the shadow of the Xitle volcano. | 0:05:05 | 0:05:09 | |
And a series of eruptions forced its people to leave, | 0:05:10 | 0:05:13 | |
looking for somewhere safe from this danger. | 0:05:13 | 0:05:16 | |
By 50BC, most of the city was covered in ten metres of lava. | 0:05:18 | 0:05:23 | |
What happened to Cuicuilco wasn't isolated. | 0:05:34 | 0:05:38 | |
Elsewhere in the Basin of Mexico, there's another volcano, | 0:05:46 | 0:05:50 | |
the smoking mountain of Popocatepetl, | 0:05:50 | 0:05:52 | |
that looms menacingly over the landscape. | 0:05:52 | 0:05:55 | |
We know that, in the first century AD, it erupted catastrophically, | 0:05:55 | 0:05:59 | |
forcing the people to migrate, looking for a more secure future. | 0:05:59 | 0:06:03 | |
Volcanic activity was a major reason for the big population shift | 0:06:09 | 0:06:12 | |
in the Basin of Mexico in the first century AD. | 0:06:12 | 0:06:16 | |
People were moving north, where they could be free from | 0:06:19 | 0:06:22 | |
these violent natural forces. | 0:06:22 | 0:06:25 | |
But those who were moving to seek safety were following | 0:06:25 | 0:06:28 | |
in the footsteps of those who had moved in search of opportunity. | 0:06:28 | 0:06:32 | |
Together, they had uprooted, to seek out a place that might | 0:06:32 | 0:06:36 | |
allow them to build a better life. | 0:06:36 | 0:06:38 | |
And there was one likely destination, | 0:06:41 | 0:06:43 | |
a city growing fast in size and prestige, Teotihuacan. | 0:06:43 | 0:06:48 | |
At its height, around 200AD, there were over 100,000 people | 0:06:48 | 0:06:53 | |
living in the city and, as these migrants headed north, | 0:06:53 | 0:06:56 | |
they became part of an unprecedented, urban cultural | 0:06:56 | 0:07:00 | |
and economical explosion in the New World. | 0:07:00 | 0:07:02 | |
And, as they approached, they would have seen something remarkable. | 0:07:02 | 0:07:06 | |
This is Teotihuacan and it's enormous, | 0:07:30 | 0:07:33 | |
covering eight square miles. | 0:07:33 | 0:07:35 | |
Spatially, it's all organised around three monumental structures. | 0:07:35 | 0:07:39 | |
Archaeologists have discovered that these buildings were covered | 0:07:39 | 0:07:43 | |
in bright facades, with exquisite architectural motifs, all conveying | 0:07:43 | 0:07:47 | |
an extraordinary sense of opulence. | 0:07:47 | 0:07:50 | |
The city then sprawls out from the centre, with palaces, | 0:07:57 | 0:08:01 | |
temples and housing for its massive population. | 0:08:01 | 0:08:05 | |
The city is dissected by the Avenue of the Dead, | 0:08:11 | 0:08:15 | |
a street that runs for more than four kilometres north to south. | 0:08:15 | 0:08:19 | |
The whole site is built on an orientation of 15.5 degrees east | 0:08:22 | 0:08:27 | |
of astronomical north. | 0:08:27 | 0:08:29 | |
Possibly, in alignment with the Pleiades constellation, | 0:08:29 | 0:08:33 | |
one of the most visible clusters of stars in the night sky. | 0:08:33 | 0:08:36 | |
The city's origins could lie underground, in a cave. | 0:08:40 | 0:08:43 | |
Caves in Mesoamerica were thought of as places of creation | 0:08:45 | 0:08:48 | |
and emergence, so had religious significance. | 0:08:48 | 0:08:51 | |
One cave was considered so sacred by the Teotihuacano | 0:08:53 | 0:08:57 | |
that a structure was built on top of it, to mark its significance. | 0:08:57 | 0:09:01 | |
This is the Pyramid of the Sun. | 0:09:03 | 0:09:05 | |
It's the largest structure in Teotihuacan | 0:09:05 | 0:09:08 | |
and the most impressive pyramid in the New World. | 0:09:08 | 0:09:11 | |
Even without the wooden temple | 0:09:17 | 0:09:19 | |
that would have stood on its top platform, | 0:09:19 | 0:09:21 | |
it's still over 200-feet tall. | 0:09:21 | 0:09:24 | |
It faces west, towards the setting sun | 0:09:26 | 0:09:29 | |
and is the focal point of the entire site. | 0:09:29 | 0:09:32 | |
But it doesn't stand alone. | 0:09:35 | 0:09:37 | |
At the end of the great Avenue of the Dead is the Pyramid of the Moon. | 0:09:37 | 0:09:41 | |
It may have been built in honour of the god Tlaloc, | 0:09:42 | 0:09:45 | |
the bringer of rain and fertility, | 0:09:45 | 0:09:49 | |
which may also be the reason | 0:09:49 | 0:09:51 | |
why it mimics the shape of Cerro Gordo, the sacred mountain which | 0:09:51 | 0:09:54 | |
lies behind it and whose springs provided the city with its water. | 0:09:54 | 0:09:58 | |
It's not just the scale that's impressive, it's the order, | 0:10:00 | 0:10:04 | |
because you can't help but feel small, standing in its midst. | 0:10:04 | 0:10:07 | |
For the people living in this city, these structures | 0:10:07 | 0:10:10 | |
must have made them feel privileged. | 0:10:10 | 0:10:13 | |
But why was architecture on this scale undertaken? | 0:10:13 | 0:10:16 | |
Saburo Sugiyama has led numerous excavations at Teotihuacan | 0:10:21 | 0:10:26 | |
and has been trying to discover what lay behind this city's construction. | 0:10:26 | 0:10:30 | |
We don't know really very much about | 0:10:32 | 0:10:34 | |
the early stage of Teotihuacan formation. | 0:10:34 | 0:10:37 | |
This city was created as a brand city | 0:10:41 | 0:10:45 | |
from the very beginning. | 0:10:45 | 0:10:47 | |
If you look at this, | 0:10:47 | 0:10:49 | |
the scale of the city formations, | 0:10:49 | 0:10:53 | |
we have to propose... | 0:10:53 | 0:10:56 | |
that there is a very organised | 0:10:56 | 0:11:00 | |
political structure here. | 0:11:00 | 0:11:05 | |
Otherwise, you can't control 100,000 people. | 0:11:05 | 0:11:08 | |
There must have been a very strong political organisation. | 0:11:09 | 0:11:12 | |
So, to what extent do you think that the architectural layout here | 0:11:12 | 0:11:15 | |
reflects a level of rulership or level of control at the site? | 0:11:15 | 0:11:20 | |
I think that there is very strong rulers, perhaps, | 0:11:20 | 0:11:25 | |
charismatic rulers, who created, who invented, New World views | 0:11:25 | 0:11:31 | |
and they materialised these ideas - | 0:11:31 | 0:11:35 | |
how worlds consisted, | 0:11:35 | 0:11:38 | |
how we were created - | 0:11:38 | 0:11:42 | |
with God, you know, with suns, | 0:11:42 | 0:11:45 | |
moons and other stars. | 0:11:45 | 0:11:47 | |
All these movements, it's, kind of, interpretations of world views. | 0:11:47 | 0:11:52 | |
These new world views formed the religion that the rulers | 0:11:55 | 0:11:58 | |
used to control Teotihuacan. | 0:11:58 | 0:12:00 | |
The beliefs were incorporated into the very foundations of the city. | 0:12:03 | 0:12:08 | |
The measurements that dictated the dimensions of their buildings | 0:12:08 | 0:12:11 | |
were embedded in their religion and in their physical bodies. | 0:12:11 | 0:12:15 | |
Teotihuacan had a standard unit of measurement, | 0:12:18 | 0:12:20 | |
which was exactly 83 centimetres long. | 0:12:20 | 0:12:24 | |
And it is thought the origins of this unit of measurement | 0:12:24 | 0:12:26 | |
came from the median line of the chest | 0:12:26 | 0:12:28 | |
out to the edge of the fingers of your average Teotihuacano. | 0:12:28 | 0:12:31 | |
And what's amazing is that the entire urban plan | 0:12:31 | 0:12:33 | |
of Teotihuacan is planned out using this standard unit of measurement. | 0:12:33 | 0:12:38 | |
So, if we look at the base of the Pyramid of the Sun, | 0:12:38 | 0:12:41 | |
it's exactly 260 times 83. | 0:12:41 | 0:12:44 | |
And 260 represents the ritual calendar of Teotihuacan. | 0:12:44 | 0:12:49 | |
And if we look at the Pyramid of the Moon, | 0:12:49 | 0:12:52 | |
the base is exactly 105 times 83 centimetres. | 0:12:52 | 0:12:56 | |
And if we add 105 to 260, we get 365, the annual solar calendar. | 0:12:56 | 0:13:02 | |
The 260-day ritual calendar at Teotihuacan | 0:13:07 | 0:13:11 | |
was most likely based around significant religious events. | 0:13:11 | 0:13:14 | |
That it formed the dimensions of the Pyramid of the Sun underlined | 0:13:17 | 0:13:20 | |
a link between the construction of the city and its belief system. | 0:13:20 | 0:13:24 | |
But the belief system was not just reflected in the buildings. | 0:13:28 | 0:13:32 | |
Throughout the city, there is extraordinary artwork, | 0:13:32 | 0:13:35 | |
that aimed to bind a people together through religion. | 0:13:35 | 0:13:38 | |
David Carballo guided me through one of Teotihuacan's | 0:13:43 | 0:13:46 | |
most distinctive, and important, murals. | 0:13:46 | 0:13:49 | |
It seems like this is more than just | 0:13:50 | 0:13:52 | |
artistic representation for decoration. This is telling a story. | 0:13:52 | 0:13:56 | |
It seems to be a Teotihuacano projection of what might | 0:13:56 | 0:14:01 | |
seem like a paradise, a place of plenty and abundance. | 0:14:01 | 0:14:05 | |
We have to remember, of course, we are in a semi-arid environment, | 0:14:05 | 0:14:08 | |
with a really defined wet and dry cycle. | 0:14:08 | 0:14:11 | |
And so, this, sort of, watery paradise would be very appealing. | 0:14:11 | 0:14:15 | |
The state leaders were keeping the rains coming, | 0:14:15 | 0:14:20 | |
courtesy of the storm god up here, and keeping good harvests. | 0:14:20 | 0:14:26 | |
So, we see these flowing canals that are feeding | 0:14:26 | 0:14:29 | |
agricultural fields that have crops that we can possibly identify, | 0:14:29 | 0:14:33 | |
like maze, but also flowering plants, that are being harvested. | 0:14:33 | 0:14:37 | |
So, this is a scene of abundance and prosperity. | 0:14:37 | 0:14:40 | |
One thing to really focus on here is that the emphasis is on | 0:14:40 | 0:14:44 | |
the religious system and not on individuals. | 0:14:44 | 0:14:47 | |
So, you know, there are individuals here, | 0:14:47 | 0:14:50 | |
but they're subordinate to the storm god, who flanks them all around. | 0:14:50 | 0:14:53 | |
And then, this motif up here, which is larger, where there | 0:14:53 | 0:14:57 | |
is two personages, but they are virtually identical, | 0:14:57 | 0:15:00 | |
and they're priests. They're dutifully making offerings | 0:15:00 | 0:15:04 | |
to the central personage, who's debated. | 0:15:04 | 0:15:07 | |
Some believe that it's a female image - a goddess. | 0:15:07 | 0:15:10 | |
I think the state imagery seems to be conveying, over and over again, | 0:15:10 | 0:15:15 | |
this message of, the religious system matters, the deities matter, | 0:15:15 | 0:15:20 | |
attending to them matters. | 0:15:20 | 0:15:22 | |
Individual roles do not matter. Your social roles, | 0:15:22 | 0:15:25 | |
as a priest or a warrior, are what's critical to the society. | 0:15:25 | 0:15:29 | |
We can't pinpoint one individual ruler in this whole corpus | 0:15:29 | 0:15:33 | |
of mural art for the city. | 0:15:33 | 0:15:35 | |
It may offer no clue as to the identity of the rulers, | 0:15:37 | 0:15:40 | |
but the mural is preaching their religious message. | 0:15:40 | 0:15:44 | |
If the people followed, then all would be well in Teotihuacan. | 0:15:47 | 0:15:52 | |
But ensuring the wellbeing of Teotihuacan required more | 0:15:53 | 0:15:56 | |
than religious observation from the people. | 0:15:56 | 0:15:59 | |
One violent public ritual appeased the gods, | 0:16:00 | 0:16:03 | |
while demonstrating the power of the leaders | 0:16:03 | 0:16:06 | |
and the strength of their belief system - human sacrifice. | 0:16:06 | 0:16:10 | |
In the year 2000, archaeologists were excavating inside | 0:16:13 | 0:16:17 | |
the Pyramid of the Moon and what they found inside | 0:16:17 | 0:16:20 | |
was a series of different burials. | 0:16:20 | 0:16:23 | |
This little collection here comes from burial number four, which was | 0:16:23 | 0:16:26 | |
17 skulls found collected together, without the rest of the skeleton. | 0:16:26 | 0:16:32 | |
What's interesting about these skulls is that they were | 0:16:32 | 0:16:35 | |
all found with three cervical vertebrae, which tells us that | 0:16:35 | 0:16:38 | |
the human skull was fleshed when they were deposited, | 0:16:38 | 0:16:42 | |
cos otherwise the cervical vertebrae would have fallen off. | 0:16:42 | 0:16:45 | |
If you look here, you can see cut marks on the back of the vertebrae. | 0:16:45 | 0:16:50 | |
The way that we think these people were killed was with a hard blow | 0:16:50 | 0:16:54 | |
to the back of the head, but it is clear from the way this is | 0:16:54 | 0:16:58 | |
being cut is that they didn't get removed in one blow, but there has | 0:16:58 | 0:17:01 | |
been a sawing process coming through here, to help remove the head. | 0:17:01 | 0:17:06 | |
What's interesting, though, is, if we look at the mandible at the jaw | 0:17:06 | 0:17:09 | |
bone, you can see it would normally be in this position on the jaw. | 0:17:09 | 0:17:13 | |
But underneath the jaw, just in here, you can see a cut mark | 0:17:13 | 0:17:18 | |
coming in, which is coming from the other direction. | 0:17:18 | 0:17:21 | |
So, we are seeing heavy blow on the back, a sawing process, | 0:17:21 | 0:17:25 | |
as the head is cut from behind, but also a blade, a very sharp blade, | 0:17:25 | 0:17:29 | |
judging by these cut marks, coming from the front to remove the head. | 0:17:29 | 0:17:33 | |
So we are seeing a laborious process to remove these heads from the body. | 0:17:33 | 0:17:37 | |
And it gives us a sense that these are definitely people having | 0:17:37 | 0:17:41 | |
their heads removed specifically for the object of placing them | 0:17:41 | 0:17:45 | |
in some sort of ceremony within the heart of the Pyramid of the Moon. | 0:17:45 | 0:17:49 | |
These skulls could have been dedications | 0:17:55 | 0:17:57 | |
to the construction of the Pyramid of the Moon. | 0:17:57 | 0:18:00 | |
But sacrifice was also used | 0:18:02 | 0:18:04 | |
as a political tool, to control the city's diverse population. | 0:18:04 | 0:18:08 | |
But the religious compliance of the people depended upon | 0:18:11 | 0:18:14 | |
their everyday needs being met. | 0:18:14 | 0:18:17 | |
And in a city this size, that required a huge amount of resources. | 0:18:17 | 0:18:21 | |
Even though Teotihuacan was the dominant power | 0:18:23 | 0:18:26 | |
in the Basin of Mexico, by the third century AD, it needed more | 0:18:26 | 0:18:31 | |
than local resources to sustain its population. | 0:18:31 | 0:18:35 | |
It had to expand. | 0:18:35 | 0:18:36 | |
I need to go 50 miles north, to the State of Hidalgo, | 0:18:48 | 0:18:52 | |
to begin to understand how Teotihuacan expanded | 0:18:52 | 0:18:55 | |
into an empire, using trade. | 0:18:55 | 0:18:57 | |
And how, when it came to precious resources, it had one big advantage. | 0:18:57 | 0:19:04 | |
It had access to an abundant source of one of the most | 0:19:11 | 0:19:14 | |
valuable commodities of the time. | 0:19:14 | 0:19:16 | |
It was this - Obsidian or volcanic glass. | 0:19:16 | 0:19:19 | |
It can be styled into artefacts, but most importantly, | 0:19:19 | 0:19:23 | |
fashioned into the sharpest cutting tools in Mesoamerica. | 0:19:23 | 0:19:27 | |
At the time of Teotihuacan's rise, metal wasn't worked | 0:19:34 | 0:19:38 | |
in Mesoamerica, so obsidian was an essential item for everyday tasks. | 0:19:38 | 0:19:43 | |
Because of its value, the supply of obsidian was controlled | 0:19:44 | 0:19:48 | |
by the state, not just for its use in the city, but for trade. | 0:19:48 | 0:19:52 | |
I've got the opportunity to explore an ancient obsidian mine | 0:20:03 | 0:20:06 | |
that is still worked today. | 0:20:06 | 0:20:08 | |
In 2,000 years, almost nothing has changed. | 0:20:10 | 0:20:14 | |
You can still see old mine shafts, | 0:20:16 | 0:20:19 | |
as well as the burn marks from Teotihuacan torches. | 0:20:19 | 0:20:22 | |
They're claustrophobic and remain extremely hazardous. | 0:20:23 | 0:20:27 | |
Mining in this type of soil is very dangerous, cos it's very loose | 0:20:30 | 0:20:33 | |
and light, you can see how easily you can get collapses of tunnels. | 0:20:33 | 0:20:37 | |
So, erm, I'm sure that in these tunnels, | 0:20:37 | 0:20:39 | |
which have been blocked up, the pre-Hispanic tunnels, | 0:20:39 | 0:20:42 | |
there must be skeletons underneath, from cave collapses. | 0:20:42 | 0:20:45 | |
Alejandro Pastrana is an expert in the importance of obsidian | 0:20:48 | 0:20:52 | |
to Mesoamerican cultures | 0:20:52 | 0:20:54 | |
and has been studying the mines in this area for over 20 years. | 0:20:54 | 0:20:58 | |
This unique green obsidian was prized for its high quality, | 0:21:26 | 0:21:29 | |
but also its religious significance. | 0:21:29 | 0:21:33 | |
Throughout Mesoamerica, green was a colour associated | 0:21:33 | 0:21:36 | |
with fertility and with water. | 0:21:36 | 0:21:39 | |
Even though these miners worked a considerable distance | 0:21:39 | 0:21:42 | |
from the city, Teotihuacan's religion | 0:21:42 | 0:21:45 | |
transformed their manual labour into a symbolic act. | 0:21:45 | 0:21:49 | |
As well as the constant threat of collapse, miners only had | 0:22:24 | 0:22:28 | |
torchlight and stone tools to dig for the obsidian | 0:22:28 | 0:22:32 | |
that supplied Teotihuacan with its only cutting tools. | 0:22:32 | 0:22:36 | |
So, this is a block of really high-quality obsidian. | 0:22:36 | 0:22:39 | |
You can see on the one on the wall, the pressure of being underground | 0:22:39 | 0:22:43 | |
has fractured this block of obsidian. | 0:22:43 | 0:22:45 | |
But this one is clean and you could make | 0:22:45 | 0:22:47 | |
some absolutely lovely artefacts, particularly knife blades. | 0:22:47 | 0:22:50 | |
The obsidian blocks could weigh anything up to 500 kilos | 0:22:55 | 0:22:59 | |
and would have to be broken down by hand into more manageable chunks. | 0:22:59 | 0:23:04 | |
After being carried to the surface, the obsidian then entered | 0:23:04 | 0:23:07 | |
the next phase of production. | 0:23:07 | 0:23:09 | |
The obsidian mines are just over that hill | 0:23:14 | 0:23:17 | |
and here we have a Teotihuacan workshop. | 0:23:17 | 0:23:20 | |
This is where the obsidian blocks, being brought out of the mines, | 0:23:20 | 0:23:24 | |
would have been transformed into preforms and artefacts. | 0:23:24 | 0:23:28 | |
And what's particularly interesting about this workshop is that | 0:23:28 | 0:23:32 | |
it is laid out in exactly the same orientation | 0:23:32 | 0:23:34 | |
as the city of Teotihuacan, itself. | 0:23:34 | 0:23:36 | |
The obsidian was knapped, to create blades and artefacts. | 0:23:41 | 0:23:44 | |
Knapping is an ancient and unique skill that transformed stones | 0:23:46 | 0:23:49 | |
into tools and took a lifetime to perfect. | 0:23:49 | 0:23:53 | |
And here is the flake and you can see it, it's a beautiful, | 0:25:10 | 0:25:12 | |
translucent obsidian. | 0:25:12 | 0:25:15 | |
And you can see where the percussion has hit down, | 0:25:15 | 0:25:17 | |
the fracture marks come down, and create a perfect blade. | 0:25:17 | 0:25:20 | |
And this edge is incredibly sharp. | 0:25:20 | 0:25:22 | |
These razor0sharp blades were used | 0:25:25 | 0:25:27 | |
for more than just domestic cutting tools. | 0:25:27 | 0:25:30 | |
The obsidian mines and workshops were worked continuously, | 0:25:34 | 0:25:38 | |
to supply Teotihuacan with weapons. | 0:25:38 | 0:25:41 | |
Thousands of obsidian blades were needed for Teotihuacan's forces, | 0:25:43 | 0:25:48 | |
the largest army in Mesoamerica. | 0:25:48 | 0:25:50 | |
Marco Cervera is an archaeologist, who is going to show me | 0:25:52 | 0:25:55 | |
the Teotihuacan's weapons of choice. | 0:25:55 | 0:25:58 | |
That's good. That's good. | 0:25:58 | 0:26:01 | |
The atlatl is one half of a weapon. | 0:26:01 | 0:26:04 | |
The other half is an obsidian-tipped dart. | 0:26:04 | 0:26:06 | |
In the right hands, the atlatl | 0:26:08 | 0:26:10 | |
can launch the dart more than 100 metres, in all weathers. | 0:26:10 | 0:26:13 | |
So, we've hung up a leg of beef, in order to simulate human flesh, | 0:26:16 | 0:26:20 | |
cos I'm quite interested to find out how the technology | 0:26:20 | 0:26:23 | |
of the armaments of Teotihuacan gave them a tactical advantage in war. | 0:26:23 | 0:26:27 | |
So, the atlatl is a piece of technology | 0:26:57 | 0:27:00 | |
which has been around in Mesoamerica | 0:27:00 | 0:27:02 | |
for thousands of years, going right back to the Lithic age. | 0:27:02 | 0:27:05 | |
But what the Teotihuacan did was put it into an industrial scale. | 0:27:05 | 0:27:08 | |
If you can imagine an army of 10-15,000 throwing these atlatls, | 0:27:08 | 0:27:12 | |
it would have been like a rain of darts | 0:27:12 | 0:27:15 | |
landing on the opposition army. | 0:27:15 | 0:27:17 | |
So, where and when was this fighting force deployed? | 0:27:19 | 0:27:23 | |
It was used primarily to achieve the goals of the state. | 0:27:24 | 0:27:28 | |
And those goals were economic. | 0:27:28 | 0:27:30 | |
Teotihuacan had an extensive network of trade routes. | 0:27:32 | 0:27:35 | |
The bulk of the activity was carried out in what is called | 0:27:36 | 0:27:40 | |
the Teotihuacan Corridor. | 0:27:40 | 0:27:42 | |
Regions that were rich in resources were targeted. | 0:27:43 | 0:27:46 | |
I'm heading to the site of Las Pilas, in the state of Morelos. | 0:27:58 | 0:28:01 | |
It's over 100 miles southwest of Teotihuacan, | 0:28:01 | 0:28:04 | |
which is a considerable distance | 0:28:04 | 0:28:06 | |
when you imagine that the only form of transportation is on foot. | 0:28:06 | 0:28:10 | |
But Teotihuacan didn't want to just trade resources, | 0:28:10 | 0:28:13 | |
they wanted to control them. | 0:28:13 | 0:28:14 | |
This is Las Pilas. | 0:28:23 | 0:28:24 | |
It was a small settlement that came under the direct control | 0:28:24 | 0:28:28 | |
of Teotihuacan. | 0:28:28 | 0:28:29 | |
Their presence can be seen throughout the site. | 0:28:29 | 0:28:32 | |
The structures copy a Teotihuacan architectural style, | 0:28:37 | 0:28:41 | |
called Talud-tablero - a platform on top of a sloping base. | 0:28:41 | 0:28:45 | |
The layout of the buildings is similar to those | 0:28:46 | 0:28:49 | |
back in the capital, with a common platform linking enclosed plazas. | 0:28:49 | 0:28:53 | |
Below ground, archaeologists found more evidence | 0:28:56 | 0:28:58 | |
of Teotihuacan's influence. | 0:28:58 | 0:29:01 | |
Burials excavated in this central plaza contained | 0:29:05 | 0:29:08 | |
extensive evidence of Teotihuacan-style ceramics. | 0:29:08 | 0:29:12 | |
In several instances, individuals were found | 0:29:12 | 0:29:14 | |
with offerings of over 100 vessels of both imported and local wares. | 0:29:14 | 0:29:19 | |
There was a strong reason for this heavy Teotihuacan presence | 0:29:21 | 0:29:25 | |
at Las Pilas - to ensure large quantities of a precious crop | 0:29:25 | 0:29:29 | |
that couldn't be cultivated in the Basin of Mexico. | 0:29:29 | 0:29:33 | |
The climate around Teotihuacan wasn't hot enough | 0:29:33 | 0:29:36 | |
to grow this, cotton. The Teotihuacano needed a lot of cotton, | 0:29:36 | 0:29:40 | |
to spin it for their clothes, | 0:29:40 | 0:29:41 | |
their vibrant textiles, even the armour fibre they used in war. | 0:29:41 | 0:29:45 | |
So, they need to guarantee a reliable supply. | 0:29:45 | 0:29:49 | |
Because of its size, | 0:29:53 | 0:29:56 | |
Las Pilas would have offered little resistance to such | 0:29:56 | 0:29:59 | |
a powerful force. | 0:29:59 | 0:30:01 | |
Local people would have been used | 0:30:01 | 0:30:04 | |
to work the land, to ensure enough cotton was produced to satisfy | 0:30:04 | 0:30:08 | |
the demand back at the centre. | 0:30:08 | 0:30:11 | |
But the demand for raw materials was only going to increase. | 0:30:11 | 0:30:16 | |
As Teotihuacan got bigger, it needed more resources. | 0:30:24 | 0:30:27 | |
Existing trade routes were maintained, | 0:30:27 | 0:30:30 | |
to sustain the power and wealth of the city, | 0:30:30 | 0:30:32 | |
but new areas had to be explored. | 0:30:32 | 0:30:34 | |
They sent out people to conquer and exploit new territories. | 0:30:36 | 0:30:41 | |
I'm driving 300 miles southeast, to the Oaxaca Valley, | 0:30:44 | 0:30:48 | |
which was the stronghold of another ancient civilisation, the Zapotecs. | 0:30:48 | 0:30:52 | |
There had long been peaceful contact between the two civilisations, | 0:30:55 | 0:30:59 | |
but around 250AD, Teotihuacan's insatiable demand | 0:30:59 | 0:31:03 | |
for resources brought that relationship to an end. | 0:31:03 | 0:31:07 | |
This is Monte Alban, the hilltop citadel of the Zapotecs. | 0:31:16 | 0:31:20 | |
From this vantage point, the Zapotecs could rule over the valleys | 0:31:20 | 0:31:24 | |
around or, at least, until the forces of Teotihuacan arrived. | 0:31:24 | 0:31:28 | |
Hundreds of well-armed warriors had marched on Monte Alban, | 0:31:34 | 0:31:38 | |
prepared for conflict. | 0:31:38 | 0:31:40 | |
By the time they isolated the Zapotec elite, | 0:31:42 | 0:31:45 | |
on top of the city's north platform, the battle was already won. | 0:31:45 | 0:31:49 | |
70 of these were found at the top mound of the site. | 0:31:54 | 0:31:57 | |
They're obsidian and they are different types of obsidian, | 0:31:57 | 0:32:00 | |
coming from the mines of the central highlands of Mexico. | 0:32:00 | 0:32:03 | |
So, these come from the area of Teotihuacan. | 0:32:03 | 0:32:05 | |
You can't find obsidian in this part of Mexico. | 0:32:05 | 0:32:07 | |
Many of these points, probably uses as atlatl points, | 0:32:07 | 0:32:11 | |
have broken off at the tips and snapped off at the shaft, | 0:32:11 | 0:32:14 | |
which tells us that they have been broken on impact. | 0:32:14 | 0:32:17 | |
So, this tells me that the contact between Teotihuacan | 0:32:17 | 0:32:20 | |
and Monte Alban is a violent one. | 0:32:20 | 0:32:22 | |
The violence continued after the conflict. | 0:32:28 | 0:32:32 | |
In the wake of their victory, the new rulers of Monte Alban | 0:32:32 | 0:32:35 | |
sacrificed 18 children. | 0:32:35 | 0:32:37 | |
All this bloodshed was over a resource that the Zapotecs | 0:32:42 | 0:32:46 | |
didn't even use, but was coveted by the Teotihuacan... | 0:32:46 | 0:32:49 | |
..a fragile and delicate mineral, called Mica. | 0:32:51 | 0:32:55 | |
The Teotihuacan prized its translucent | 0:32:55 | 0:32:58 | |
and reflective qualities and used it to decorate | 0:32:58 | 0:33:01 | |
their religious buildings and ceramics. | 0:33:01 | 0:33:03 | |
I met up with Marcus Winter, to discover, what were the factors | 0:33:12 | 0:33:17 | |
really driving this aggression? | 0:33:17 | 0:33:20 | |
Do you think the Teotihuacano are expanding for practical reasons, | 0:33:20 | 0:33:23 | |
they need to bring in more resources to sustain their expansion? | 0:33:23 | 0:33:26 | |
Or is it more ideological, that they are trying to dominate | 0:33:26 | 0:33:29 | |
their ideological world view on the rest of Mesoamerica? | 0:33:29 | 0:33:31 | |
I'd say that they wanted to expand, to bring in more resources. | 0:33:31 | 0:33:35 | |
I think, as cities grow, all over the world, what happens | 0:33:35 | 0:33:39 | |
is they have too many people, they need more resources to feed | 0:33:39 | 0:33:42 | |
the people, they need more activities for people to participate in. | 0:33:42 | 0:33:47 | |
Sometimes, they have too many young men with nothing to do and a good | 0:33:47 | 0:33:51 | |
thing to do with them is to send them out to take over other areas. | 0:33:51 | 0:33:55 | |
How do you think life changed here | 0:33:55 | 0:33:56 | |
when the Teotihuacano were in control? | 0:33:56 | 0:33:59 | |
Do you see a thriving community, which is capitalising | 0:33:59 | 0:34:02 | |
on Teotihuacano innovations? | 0:34:02 | 0:34:04 | |
Or do you see a repressed population suffering from a dominating force | 0:34:04 | 0:34:08 | |
-overcoming them? -I'd say it was a repressed population. -Yeah. | 0:34:08 | 0:34:14 | |
Because a lot of things stopped. | 0:34:14 | 0:34:15 | |
There was a trajectory that had gone on for about | 0:34:15 | 0:34:18 | |
500 years or more, 700 years, of growth and development, | 0:34:18 | 0:34:22 | |
renewal of the buildings and all of that stopped. | 0:34:22 | 0:34:26 | |
There is still a big population. People lived and continued with their | 0:34:26 | 0:34:29 | |
daily lives and things, but there was not the growth and innovation | 0:34:29 | 0:34:32 | |
that had been here previously. | 0:34:32 | 0:34:35 | |
Teotihuacan's imperial adventures were at the expense of cities | 0:34:41 | 0:34:46 | |
like Monte Alban. | 0:34:46 | 0:34:47 | |
But the drive for resources and expansion didn't stop here. | 0:34:50 | 0:34:54 | |
This site of Monte Alban shows how the Teotihuacan were able | 0:34:58 | 0:35:01 | |
to control regions over 350 miles from the capital. | 0:35:01 | 0:35:06 | |
What's even more incredible is that their influence spread yet further. | 0:35:06 | 0:35:10 | |
We know that at sites like Tikal, over 600 miles in that direction, | 0:35:10 | 0:35:14 | |
in modern-day Guatemala, also felt the influence and power | 0:35:14 | 0:35:18 | |
of Teotihuacan. | 0:35:18 | 0:35:19 | |
The rulers of Teotihuacan had developed a strong religion | 0:35:21 | 0:35:25 | |
that allowed them first to govern a city and now to control an empire. | 0:35:25 | 0:35:30 | |
The economic benefits of trade and empire were enriching the city | 0:35:31 | 0:35:36 | |
but they were also strengthening the position of the rulers. | 0:35:36 | 0:35:39 | |
As an illustration of how this increased power was expressed, | 0:35:39 | 0:35:43 | |
the last monumental structure built at Teotihuacan is significant | 0:35:43 | 0:35:47 | |
and one building within it is of crucial importance.' | 0:35:47 | 0:35:51 | |
It stood at the centre of this massive, 16 hectare, | 0:35:53 | 0:35:57 | |
walled compound called The Ciudadela - the citadel. | 0:35:57 | 0:36:00 | |
The whole population would have been able to fit within its grounds. | 0:36:00 | 0:36:04 | |
The people of Teotihuacan would have come to this space to witness | 0:36:11 | 0:36:15 | |
religious rituals at the building that was now the new | 0:36:15 | 0:36:19 | |
ceremonial heart of the city. | 0:36:19 | 0:36:21 | |
The building was completed in the middle of the 3rd century | 0:36:24 | 0:36:28 | |
and stands remote from the Pyramids of the Sun and Moon. | 0:36:28 | 0:36:31 | |
Archaeologists believe that this construction was a conspicuous | 0:36:33 | 0:36:37 | |
display of power by a new ruler in Teotihuacan. | 0:36:37 | 0:36:40 | |
This is the Temple of the Feathered Serpent, | 0:36:44 | 0:36:46 | |
a mythical creature found throughout Mesoamerica. | 0:36:46 | 0:36:50 | |
It's a potent symbol of power and that is important, because this | 0:36:50 | 0:36:54 | |
temple provides strong evidence that an increasing power of an elite | 0:36:54 | 0:36:58 | |
is administrated through religion, but maintained through fear. | 0:36:58 | 0:37:02 | |
The whole temple structure is a sacred mountain | 0:37:06 | 0:37:09 | |
emerging from the sea. | 0:37:09 | 0:37:12 | |
These crocodile heads marked the beginning of time. | 0:37:12 | 0:37:15 | |
Time began when the crocodile emerged from the water | 0:37:16 | 0:37:19 | |
onto dry land. | 0:37:19 | 0:37:21 | |
The feathered serpents represent the power of the rulers. | 0:37:21 | 0:37:25 | |
These rulers now appeared to be directly linking their power | 0:37:26 | 0:37:31 | |
to the beginning of time. | 0:37:31 | 0:37:33 | |
But that power was not just reinforced | 0:37:33 | 0:37:37 | |
by the grand ornamentation of a building. | 0:37:37 | 0:37:40 | |
If anything pointed to a change in the nature of the leadership | 0:37:43 | 0:37:46 | |
of Teotihuacan, it was the escalation in human sacrifice. | 0:37:46 | 0:37:50 | |
260 victims were found during excavations of this temple... | 0:37:54 | 0:37:58 | |
..one for each day of the ritual calendar and hundreds more | 0:37:59 | 0:38:04 | |
than any human remains excavated from the earlier pyramids. | 0:38:04 | 0:38:07 | |
Sergio Gomez was involved in the excavations at | 0:38:12 | 0:38:16 | |
the Temple of the Feathered Serpent that unearthed human remains. | 0:38:16 | 0:38:19 | |
HE SPEAKS SPANISH | 0:38:21 | 0:38:24 | |
But what archaeologists know | 0:39:42 | 0:39:44 | |
is that, after the temple was completed, | 0:39:44 | 0:39:47 | |
perhaps around 300 AD, there was another change in Teotihuacan. | 0:39:47 | 0:39:50 | |
A large structure was built in front of the temple, | 0:39:53 | 0:39:57 | |
obscuring its opulent facade. | 0:39:57 | 0:40:00 | |
Could it have been a rejection of the power structure | 0:40:00 | 0:40:03 | |
that the temple represented? | 0:40:03 | 0:40:05 | |
Without knowing more about those who wielded the power in Teotihuacan, | 0:40:08 | 0:40:12 | |
archaeologists have struggled to understand the full significance | 0:40:12 | 0:40:16 | |
of the changes centred around the Temple of the Feathered Serpent. | 0:40:16 | 0:40:20 | |
'But Sergio Gomez may be on the verge of a major breakthrough. | 0:40:26 | 0:40:30 | |
'In 2003, he discovered a tunnel underneath the temple. | 0:40:33 | 0:40:37 | |
'It had lain undetected for over 1,000 years, because Sergio | 0:40:45 | 0:40:50 | |
'believes it had been filled in deliberately by the Teotihuacano. | 0:40:50 | 0:40:54 | |
'His initial excavation pointed to this being a very special place.' | 0:40:57 | 0:41:01 | |
'After years of painstaking excavation, | 0:41:28 | 0:41:32 | |
'Sergio and his team have reached the end of this tunnel. | 0:41:32 | 0:41:36 | |
'They could be on the verge of a unique discovery, | 0:41:36 | 0:41:39 | |
'but face a massive obstacle.' | 0:41:39 | 0:41:40 | |
What lies behind this rock could be a first for archaeology | 0:42:19 | 0:42:22 | |
at Teotihuacan - the discovery of a ruler's tomb. | 0:42:22 | 0:42:26 | |
This is backed up by what Sergio has found | 0:42:27 | 0:42:30 | |
amongst the 60,000 artefacts unearthed during the excavation. | 0:42:30 | 0:42:34 | |
Without a shadow of a doubt, this is one of the most amazing | 0:43:33 | 0:43:36 | |
excavations I have ever visited. | 0:43:36 | 0:43:38 | |
Hopefully, when they get into the last chamber, | 0:43:38 | 0:43:40 | |
what they find inside will give us the crucial clues to understanding | 0:43:40 | 0:43:44 | |
what happened at Teotihuacan in the third century after Christ, | 0:43:44 | 0:43:47 | |
because we know that there is a complete shift in power in the city. | 0:43:47 | 0:43:51 | |
Sealing off this tunnel and filling in | 0:43:55 | 0:43:59 | |
a possible ruler's tomb are symbolic acts. | 0:43:59 | 0:44:02 | |
It's impossible to say, outright, | 0:44:02 | 0:44:04 | |
if they were rejections of the existing power structure, | 0:44:04 | 0:44:08 | |
but what we do know is that there is no subsequent evidence | 0:44:08 | 0:44:12 | |
of sacrifice on the scale witnessed | 0:44:12 | 0:44:14 | |
at the Temple of the Feathered Serpent. | 0:44:14 | 0:44:16 | |
And no more monumental structures were built after its completion. | 0:44:16 | 0:44:21 | |
Building did continue, but it was a departure from the past. | 0:44:24 | 0:44:28 | |
'It was no longer structures that honoured the power of the leaders, | 0:44:28 | 0:44:32 | |
but something that could point to a cultural and political peak. | 0:44:32 | 0:44:35 | |
The state was now rebuilding the city, to house its population | 0:44:37 | 0:44:40 | |
in a style and scale that had never been witnessed before. | 0:44:40 | 0:44:44 | |
This is urban planning on an unprecedented scale. | 0:44:48 | 0:44:51 | |
The old adobe structures were torn down and replaced with these - | 0:44:51 | 0:44:56 | |
buildings of stone, concrete and plaster. | 0:44:56 | 0:44:59 | |
But what's really interesting is that the architectural style | 0:44:59 | 0:45:02 | |
is uniform throughout the city. | 0:45:02 | 0:45:04 | |
There was access to running water, a drainage system. | 0:45:07 | 0:45:11 | |
All the compounds were walled, to give the people their privacy. | 0:45:11 | 0:45:14 | |
Outside, there were streets and, for the first time in Mesoamerica, | 0:45:16 | 0:45:21 | |
the entire city was now a huge grid. | 0:45:21 | 0:45:24 | |
'I met up again with David Carballo, to see one of the best remaining | 0:45:33 | 0:45:37 | |
'examples of Teotihuacan housing.' | 0:45:37 | 0:45:39 | |
What makes it residential? If you look around the architecture | 0:45:41 | 0:45:44 | |
of the place, what is it we are actually looking at? | 0:45:44 | 0:45:46 | |
In a typical pattern in central Mexico | 0:45:46 | 0:45:48 | |
and other parts of Mesoamerica are folks inhabiting a patio. | 0:45:48 | 0:45:52 | |
In fact, a lot of the indigenous terms for a household | 0:45:52 | 0:45:55 | |
are a shared patio space and so, over here, we have a relatively large one, | 0:45:55 | 0:46:00 | |
with nicely-made masonry architecture and, so, one of the lines | 0:46:00 | 0:46:04 | |
of evidence that this is a higher-status residence | 0:46:04 | 0:46:06 | |
is that you have these large cut blocks. | 0:46:06 | 0:46:09 | |
-These are original stairs? -Yes, these are the original stairs | 0:46:09 | 0:46:12 | |
that went up to some, sort of, temple complex and then, | 0:46:12 | 0:46:15 | |
these smaller structures around, that have a frontal portico, | 0:46:15 | 0:46:19 | |
leading to a back room, were likely residences | 0:46:19 | 0:46:23 | |
-of higher-status family members. -How many of these are there | 0:46:23 | 0:46:27 | |
in Teotihuacan? And how does that population grow? | 0:46:27 | 0:46:30 | |
It's estimated that there is about 2,300 of these | 0:46:30 | 0:46:32 | |
and that each, sort of... a mean population, might have been | 0:46:32 | 0:46:36 | |
in the sixties, 65. You have some that could push into the hundreds | 0:46:36 | 0:46:40 | |
and some that seem smaller - in the dozens of people. | 0:46:40 | 0:46:43 | |
And because of that, because we can count apartment compounds | 0:46:43 | 0:46:46 | |
and estimate roughly their population, we do have some | 0:46:46 | 0:46:50 | |
decent estimates for the city, as a whole, during its apex | 0:46:50 | 0:46:53 | |
and that it was 100,000-plus inhabitants in the 4th-5th century. | 0:46:53 | 0:46:59 | |
Just for comparison, London didn't break 100,000 people | 0:46:59 | 0:47:02 | |
till 1,000 years later, in the late 16th century. | 0:47:02 | 0:47:05 | |
So, this was a very large place. Likely, the largest city | 0:47:05 | 0:47:08 | |
in the Americas for a few centuries. | 0:47:08 | 0:47:10 | |
To what extent do you think that the expansion is planned by an elite? | 0:47:10 | 0:47:16 | |
Because looking after 100,000 people in one centre | 0:47:16 | 0:47:19 | |
-is a pretty challenging thing to do. -I think that there is some... | 0:47:19 | 0:47:23 | |
There must be some, sort of, mix of civic top-down planning | 0:47:23 | 0:47:26 | |
and more grass roots, | 0:47:26 | 0:47:27 | |
organic processes happening at the neighbourhood level. | 0:47:27 | 0:47:31 | |
So, you know, we do see these structures are all on a similar | 0:47:31 | 0:47:35 | |
orthogonal, or grid-like, system and they seem as far away | 0:47:35 | 0:47:39 | |
as three kilometres from here to also be hewing to that orientation, | 0:47:39 | 0:47:43 | |
so that seems to suggest some significant planning. | 0:47:43 | 0:47:46 | |
This house building may have reflected | 0:47:46 | 0:47:48 | |
the growing prosperity of the city, | 0:47:48 | 0:47:51 | |
but it could also be an example of how the style of leadership | 0:47:51 | 0:47:55 | |
had changed. | 0:47:55 | 0:47:56 | |
If there was a rejection of rule by violent coercion, | 0:47:59 | 0:48:02 | |
then it may have been replaced by a subtle, but still effective, | 0:48:02 | 0:48:05 | |
message that encouraged the population to think as one. | 0:48:05 | 0:48:08 | |
It's been referred to as civic pride and it was sold as a virtue. | 0:48:11 | 0:48:14 | |
And, if widely accepted, it's a far more effective way | 0:48:14 | 0:48:18 | |
of maintaining stability than the use of force. | 0:48:18 | 0:48:21 | |
It's not very different to how we survive | 0:48:21 | 0:48:23 | |
in the modern world today. So, the supply of housing | 0:48:23 | 0:48:26 | |
in Teotihuacan could have encouraged the sense of collective will - | 0:48:26 | 0:48:31 | |
all working towards the same common goal. | 0:48:31 | 0:48:33 | |
But how was a political message as subtle as civic pride | 0:48:36 | 0:48:40 | |
spread throughout the population? | 0:48:40 | 0:48:42 | |
A discovery in the 1990s could be evidence of how | 0:48:44 | 0:48:48 | |
these political messages were spread throughout the Teotihuacan. | 0:48:48 | 0:48:51 | |
Archaeologists had no evidence of a Teotihuacan writing system | 0:48:53 | 0:48:57 | |
until a series of symbols were uncovered on the floor | 0:48:57 | 0:49:01 | |
of a temple complex called La Ventilla. | 0:49:01 | 0:49:03 | |
They have been dated to the middle of the fourth century AD | 0:49:05 | 0:49:09 | |
and Ruben Cabrera Castro thinks they may have been part | 0:49:09 | 0:49:12 | |
of an education system. | 0:49:12 | 0:49:14 | |
The placing of the glyphs were first thought to be random, | 0:50:13 | 0:50:17 | |
but Ruben thinks the horizontal and vertical lines on the floor | 0:50:17 | 0:50:22 | |
could be ordering these symbols into the pages of a codex - | 0:50:22 | 0:50:25 | |
an ancient book. | 0:50:25 | 0:50:26 | |
These glyphs, with the lines dividing them, | 0:51:13 | 0:51:16 | |
that Ruben's shown me, I'm completely convinced by his argument | 0:51:16 | 0:51:19 | |
that they are a codex. They are very much a form of writing, | 0:51:19 | 0:51:23 | |
they can communicate information between generations. | 0:51:23 | 0:51:27 | |
If we start to think about Teotihuacan as a multi-ethnic, | 0:51:28 | 0:51:30 | |
multicultural city, how is it that that culture | 0:51:30 | 0:51:34 | |
is bound together by an ideology? | 0:51:34 | 0:51:36 | |
For me, writing is crucial for communicating information | 0:51:36 | 0:51:39 | |
through generations and binding Teotihuacan together. | 0:51:39 | 0:51:43 | |
A possible education and writing system are evidence of how | 0:51:47 | 0:51:51 | |
Teotihuacan had become a politically-complex civilisation | 0:51:51 | 0:51:55 | |
and it underlines why, in 500 years, it had grown from | 0:51:55 | 0:51:59 | |
unspectacular beginnings to the biggest city in the New World. | 0:51:59 | 0:52:04 | |
It had grown through strong leadership, | 0:52:05 | 0:52:08 | |
driven by religious ideology. | 0:52:08 | 0:52:10 | |
And its empire was built on trade, but secured through force. | 0:52:10 | 0:52:14 | |
Every society reaches a peak, | 0:52:15 | 0:52:17 | |
what would normally be called an apex, | 0:52:17 | 0:52:19 | |
something to be celebrated | 0:52:19 | 0:52:21 | |
as a high watermark of political and cultural achievement. | 0:52:21 | 0:52:25 | |
But it is also the point in which culture can rise no further. | 0:52:25 | 0:52:29 | |
At what point would Teotihuacan's expansion stop? | 0:52:35 | 0:52:37 | |
Given its size and its power, what could possibly stop it? | 0:52:39 | 0:52:42 | |
A city of this size was costly to maintain | 0:52:44 | 0:52:47 | |
and there were constant stresses in preserving its prestige. | 0:52:47 | 0:52:50 | |
The religious system served to support the city's power structure, | 0:52:52 | 0:52:56 | |
as well as subdue any possible threat to the leadership. | 0:52:56 | 0:52:59 | |
Teotihuacan's empire had to be protected, | 0:53:01 | 0:53:04 | |
to secure the resources that fed its people and enriched the elite, | 0:53:04 | 0:53:09 | |
but the leadership, itself, could only survive | 0:53:09 | 0:53:12 | |
as long as the city thrived. | 0:53:12 | 0:53:14 | |
It's a cruel irony that the very natural forces that gave | 0:53:18 | 0:53:21 | |
Teotihuacan an advantage in its rise to power | 0:53:21 | 0:53:25 | |
could now be responsible for triggering its demise. | 0:53:25 | 0:53:28 | |
In 536 AD, there was a moment of sudden environmental change | 0:53:31 | 0:53:36 | |
in the Basin of Mexico. | 0:53:36 | 0:53:37 | |
Exciting new research suggests that this could have been a key factor | 0:53:37 | 0:53:41 | |
in pushing the Teotihuacano to the brink of disaster. | 0:53:41 | 0:53:44 | |
It was the biggest volcanic eruption ever recorded in central America. | 0:53:44 | 0:53:48 | |
The Ilopango volcano was in modern-day El Salvador. | 0:53:51 | 0:53:55 | |
Even though it was almost 800 miles away, the ash and gas | 0:53:56 | 0:54:00 | |
it spewed out from the eruption clouded the skies over Teotihuacan. | 0:54:00 | 0:54:05 | |
With no heat and light from the sun, the crops failed repeatedly, | 0:54:09 | 0:54:14 | |
which had grave consequences for the leaders. | 0:54:14 | 0:54:17 | |
The stability of Teotihuacan relied on its people perceiving | 0:54:22 | 0:54:25 | |
that their needs were being met. | 0:54:25 | 0:54:27 | |
If there was a downturn in their fortunes, | 0:54:27 | 0:54:29 | |
the next chapter in this city would be violent. | 0:54:29 | 0:54:32 | |
In the middle of the 6th century AD, the people of Teotihuacan rose up. | 0:54:35 | 0:54:39 | |
They targeted the symbolic heart of the city and set it alight. | 0:54:41 | 0:54:45 | |
David Carballo was part of the team that retrieved charred remains | 0:54:50 | 0:54:54 | |
of the wooden temple structures that lined the Avenue of the Dead. | 0:54:54 | 0:54:58 | |
Burned roof structures gives this sense of drama, | 0:55:00 | 0:55:03 | |
of things on fire and ending in quite a dramatic way. | 0:55:03 | 0:55:07 | |
-Do you think that is true? -Certainly for the central part of the city. | 0:55:07 | 0:55:10 | |
It seems like very selective, concerted burning, within temples | 0:55:10 | 0:55:15 | |
and palace complexes all around the Street of the Dead. | 0:55:15 | 0:55:18 | |
That whole street would have been on fire at the same time, | 0:55:18 | 0:55:21 | |
-you'd imagine? -Perhaps. It seems like a planned burning event. | 0:55:21 | 0:55:25 | |
It was a symbolic termination of the civic architecture of the city. | 0:55:25 | 0:55:29 | |
What do you think brings about... | 0:55:29 | 0:55:30 | |
What motivates people to come and bring up arms | 0:55:30 | 0:55:33 | |
and take against the elite? | 0:55:33 | 0:55:35 | |
There must have been something in the system failing people | 0:55:35 | 0:55:39 | |
and so, whether that's the city became more factionalised | 0:55:39 | 0:55:42 | |
and there is more internal squabbling. | 0:55:42 | 0:55:45 | |
Also, that trade routes seemed to be co-opted by areas that were former | 0:55:45 | 0:55:49 | |
provinces and that were formerly under the sway of state | 0:55:49 | 0:55:53 | |
and so people here in the centre, perhaps weren't having | 0:55:53 | 0:55:56 | |
the ready access they once had to all sorts of goods around Mexico. | 0:55:56 | 0:55:59 | |
Do you think the decline of Teotihuacan was inevitable, | 0:55:59 | 0:56:02 | |
because of the way that the state rose up over time? | 0:56:02 | 0:56:05 | |
We have to consider Teotihuacan a successful state, in that | 0:56:05 | 0:56:08 | |
it survived for five to six centuries as, you know, possibly | 0:56:08 | 0:56:12 | |
the largest place in the Americas, one of the largest cities. | 0:56:12 | 0:56:15 | |
But there certainly were some challenges in the 6th century | 0:56:15 | 0:56:19 | |
that the governing apparatus seems to not have been able to overcome. | 0:56:19 | 0:56:23 | |
And so what exactly it was that they couldn't evolve to | 0:56:23 | 0:56:27 | |
is still a question to be answered. | 0:56:27 | 0:56:30 | |
In the wake of the revolt, the state system collapsed. | 0:56:38 | 0:56:41 | |
The religious ideology that had bound the people together | 0:56:43 | 0:56:47 | |
had been rejected. | 0:56:47 | 0:56:48 | |
First to leave were the elite, whose power structure had been attacked. | 0:56:50 | 0:56:55 | |
A population of 100,000 eventually dwindled to 20,000 people. | 0:56:57 | 0:57:03 | |
The might of Teotihuacan existed in the past. | 0:57:05 | 0:57:08 | |
It would take hundreds of years for the significance of this city | 0:57:13 | 0:57:17 | |
to be rediscovered - by another great civilisation. | 0:57:17 | 0:57:22 | |
When the Aztecs discovered this vast, abandoned city, | 0:57:23 | 0:57:27 | |
they believed it could only have been the work of giants, even gods. | 0:57:27 | 0:57:31 | |
When they arrived it had no name. | 0:57:35 | 0:57:37 | |
They called it Teotihuacan - the place where time began. | 0:57:40 | 0:57:45 | |
And now, almost 2,000 years since this city was built, | 0:58:01 | 0:58:06 | |
it's still immensely significant. | 0:58:06 | 0:58:08 | |
An ancient place that, for me, echoes the concerns our urban world | 0:58:08 | 0:58:12 | |
still struggles with today. | 0:58:12 | 0:58:15 | |
Teotihuacan is an extraordinary city | 0:58:17 | 0:58:20 | |
and revealing some of its secrets, getting to know its inhabitants | 0:58:20 | 0:58:23 | |
has transformed my understanding of urban life. | 0:58:23 | 0:58:26 | |
Architecture, people and power come together | 0:58:26 | 0:58:30 | |
to create a new type of culture, | 0:58:30 | 0:58:32 | |
a fragile urban culture that sets the New World on a pathway | 0:58:32 | 0:58:37 | |
that is to last thousands of years. | 0:58:37 | 0:58:39 |