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Hello, and a very warm
welcome to Dateline London. | 0:00:23 | 0:00:25 | |
I'm Carrie Gracie. | 0:00:25 | 0:00:26 | |
This week we discuss a British plea
on European security, | 0:00:26 | 0:00:30 | |
South Africa after President Zuma, | 0:00:30 | 0:00:33 | |
and the continuing absence of
a government for Northern Ireland. | 0:00:33 | 0:00:36 | |
My guests this week are the Guardian
columnist Polly Toynbee, | 0:00:36 | 0:00:39 | |
Dr Vincent Magombe of
Africa International, | 0:00:39 | 0:00:43 | |
the Irish writer and
broadcaster Brian O'Connell, | 0:00:43 | 0:00:45 | |
and Thomas Kielinger
of Germany's Die Welt. | 0:00:45 | 0:00:48 | |
Welcome to you all. | 0:00:48 | 0:00:52 | |
The British Prime Minister,
Theresa May, has urged | 0:00:52 | 0:00:54 | |
the European Union to sign up
to a security treaty to ensure that | 0:00:54 | 0:00:58 | |
cooperation continues
after Britain leaves. | 0:00:58 | 0:01:03 | |
Addressing the Munich
Security Conference, | 0:01:03 | 0:01:05 | |
she warned that if the EU's aim
in the Brexit talks was to avoid | 0:01:05 | 0:01:09 | |
cooperation then the security
of all would be damaged. | 0:01:09 | 0:01:14 | |
If the EU's aim is to
avoid cooperation, | 0:01:14 | 0:01:16 | |
Thomas Kielinger, is the EU's aim to
avoid co-operation and if so, why? | 0:01:16 | 0:01:24 | |
I have long given up to try to
figure out what goes on in the mind | 0:01:25 | 0:01:28 | |
of our leaders and this phrase is
totally puzzling. She seems to hold | 0:01:28 | 0:01:33 | |
hostage the British security
involvement in Europe to the outcome | 0:01:33 | 0:01:36 | |
of the Brexit talks, and she is in
no way to speak that language. She | 0:01:36 | 0:01:41 | |
must work for flexibility,
cooperation and so on. Any | 0:01:41 | 0:01:45 | |
intimation of trying to demand
something else is totally misplaced. | 0:01:45 | 0:01:50 | |
She is on a sticky wicket, as we
know, and there is no consensus. We | 0:01:50 | 0:01:56 | |
are still waiting, as was said
yesterday, for what the British | 0:01:56 | 0:01:59 | |
people really want, the British
Government rather. She is not | 0:01:59 | 0:02:03 | |
frustrated but curious. -- as Angela
Merkel said. Wells should be on the | 0:02:03 | 0:02:10 | |
huge of riding issue... We would
like a mutually agreeable agreement | 0:02:10 | 0:02:17 | |
on the Brexit conditions, until that
is sorted out there is no way for | 0:02:17 | 0:02:20 | |
Theresa May to threaten British
cooperation with Europe. Besides, | 0:02:20 | 0:02:24 | |
the whole speech about security is
beside the point. | 0:02:24 | 0:02:29 | |
So it is a distraction?
Absolutely a distraction. | 0:02:29 | 0:02:33 | |
And cart before the horse.
Very much so. The defence and | 0:02:33 | 0:02:39 | |
military issues are her first car
because Britain is deeply involved | 0:02:39 | 0:02:42 | |
in the defence of Europe and that is
uncontroversial. -- that is her | 0:02:42 | 0:02:48 | |
first card to play. When she is
talking about issues at the moment | 0:02:48 | 0:02:52 | |
do not believe our mind of what
needs to be done. | 0:02:52 | 0:02:56 | |
Let's open it out. Polly Toynbee,
the message that UK is a contributor | 0:02:56 | 0:03:05 | |
to defend in Europe and has
expertise uncovered on | 0:03:05 | 0:03:13 | |
counterterror.
Even extreme Brexiters want security | 0:03:13 | 0:03:16 | |
and Interpol relationship with the
rest of Europe. No doubt about that. | 0:03:16 | 0:03:22 | |
But even there she threw a spanner
into the works to think, ideological | 0:03:22 | 0:03:26 | |
league... They are so pragmatic
compared with us, the whole Brexit | 0:03:26 | 0:03:33 | |
conundrum is about British ideology.
To accuse particularly in the | 0:03:33 | 0:03:36 | |
context of security Angela Merkel
and the Europeans of this is an | 0:03:36 | 0:03:44 | |
absurdity and it bodes ill.
To be fair to her, she only said if | 0:03:44 | 0:03:49 | |
ideological... She did not say they
were ideological. | 0:03:49 | 0:03:53 | |
The question is, as G in this speech
said, which you may have done, that | 0:03:53 | 0:03:56 | |
she is willing to accept -- has she
said this is that she is willing to | 0:03:56 | 0:04:03 | |
accept the European Court of Justice
as an arbitrator on a treaty over | 0:04:03 | 0:04:07 | |
security? Across as one of her red
lines if she does not accept that, | 0:04:07 | 0:04:10 | |
it will not happen then. She must
accept with any treaty on any issue | 0:04:10 | 0:04:15 | |
whatever that there is always an
international adjudicator on any | 0:04:15 | 0:04:18 | |
trade deal wherever in the world. In
Europe it happens to be the ECJ. She | 0:04:18 | 0:04:24 | |
must swallow this.
And Brian O'Connell, as another | 0:04:24 | 0:04:29 | |
European looking in on this, do you
think the European arrest warrant | 0:04:29 | 0:04:33 | |
and Euro poll and all that can be
taken for granted, low hanging | 0:04:33 | 0:04:38 | |
fruit?
We should be able to take it for | 0:04:38 | 0:04:40 | |
granted and people's security is
paramount above trade and everything | 0:04:40 | 0:04:44 | |
else, but the tone of the remarks
probably betrays the level to which | 0:04:44 | 0:04:49 | |
this relationship between Britain
and the EU counterparts in this | 0:04:49 | 0:04:56 | |
negotiation have reached, they are
really poor relationships. You must | 0:04:56 | 0:05:02 | |
have an independent arbitrator and
it will probably be the ECJ anything | 0:05:02 | 0:05:08 | |
crosses one of her red lines I think
she will have to suck it up in the | 0:05:08 | 0:05:11 | |
end because she will have no choice.
You cannot go into Brexit without | 0:05:11 | 0:05:16 | |
some form of deal on extradition and
basic things like that, and cyber | 0:05:16 | 0:05:25 | |
stuff and intelligence agencies will
talk to each other anyway whether or | 0:05:25 | 0:05:27 | |
not there is a deal. I think the
tone is very illustrative of where | 0:05:27 | 0:05:34 | |
things are at the moment.
Obviously, your specialism is a | 0:05:34 | 0:05:39 | |
different continent, a complex
patchwork security, economics, | 0:05:39 | 0:05:43 | |
politics, as an outsider looking at
this? | 0:05:43 | 0:05:47 | |
I live in a European country today
though I am an outsider, so it | 0:05:47 | 0:05:51 | |
balances me what happens. I would
not be surprised and we will hear a | 0:05:51 | 0:05:54 | |
lot of this. What is happening is
mind games. I pity Theresa May | 0:05:54 | 0:06:00 | |
because she is like a tool that is
being used by both sides. One day | 0:06:00 | 0:06:04 | |
she says the bin to appease the
remainders and another date to | 0:06:04 | 0:06:10 | |
appease the Brexiters.
Not much to appease the remainders, | 0:06:10 | 0:06:17 | |
mostly people who voted Brexit are
appeased. | 0:06:17 | 0:06:20 | |
Tim Tams that is the problem... The
lack of compromise. -- sometimes | 0:06:20 | 0:06:25 | |
that is the problem. For the country
getting out of Europe, they need to | 0:06:25 | 0:06:30 | |
be friendly and welcoming to Europe
afterwards. If one of these days she | 0:06:30 | 0:06:36 | |
can just over say things that can
end up giving Britain a bad deal. | 0:06:36 | 0:06:42 | |
Thomas Kielinger, another thing we
saw in the last week was Boris | 0:06:42 | 0:06:46 | |
Johnson the Foreign Secretary
beginning that series of speeches we | 0:06:46 | 0:06:49 | |
now expect from British Government
ministers. Did that go some way to | 0:06:49 | 0:06:53 | |
healing any of this?
I am afraid not. There is a basic | 0:06:53 | 0:06:57 | |
and religion in his speech where he
says, friendly, understanding people | 0:06:57 | 0:07:01 | |
who voted remain have legitimate
concerns about the place in Europe. | 0:07:01 | 0:07:04 | |
Before he came to that phrase he
said it would be a betrayal if we | 0:07:04 | 0:07:10 | |
reversed the Brexit decision and
there is no way we go anywhere else. | 0:07:10 | 0:07:13 | |
He was quite adamant that not to
give a single inch. His offer to be | 0:07:13 | 0:07:18 | |
nice to the people who voted remain
sounded false. Basically Brexiteers | 0:07:18 | 0:07:22 | |
are still in denial of the real
problems they face. Everyone is now | 0:07:22 | 0:07:28 | |
using a bit of words that eventually
will not prevail anyway, so we are | 0:07:28 | 0:07:33 | |
in a moment when as journalists we
have a hard time taking any of this | 0:07:33 | 0:07:36 | |
seriously.
A lot of what she said in Munich is | 0:07:36 | 0:07:40 | |
probably for home consumption,
anyway. | 0:07:40 | 0:07:44 | |
The outcome will be a bunch what
ever happens. | 0:07:44 | 0:07:47 | |
Boris Johnson had the political
opportunity of his lifetime if they | 0:07:47 | 0:07:50 | |
wanted to show he was leadership
that are real. He started off by | 0:07:50 | 0:07:54 | |
saying, I want to reach out and I
understand the grief and pain of the | 0:07:54 | 0:07:58 | |
48%. Nearly half the country... Can
only give them nothing. Hard Brexit | 0:07:58 | 0:08:02 | |
all the way to come out of the
single market and Customs union, | 0:08:02 | 0:08:06 | |
absolutely no ECJ and not a mention
of... No detail on anything. | 0:08:06 | 0:08:12 | |
We will come back to Ireland any
moment but first an entirely | 0:08:12 | 0:08:16 | |
different continent to look at the
issues of South Africa over the | 0:08:16 | 0:08:18 | |
week. | 0:08:18 | 0:08:21 | |
After what seemed like days of
prevarication, Jacob Zuma resigned | 0:08:21 | 0:08:23 | |
as South Africa's president,
saying he still didn't understand | 0:08:23 | 0:08:25 | |
what he'd done wrong. | 0:08:25 | 0:08:26 | |
Cyril Ramaphosa now
takes over a country | 0:08:26 | 0:08:29 | |
with huge problems to solve. | 0:08:29 | 0:08:30 | |
Vincent, you watch
these events closely. | 0:08:30 | 0:08:32 | |
Can Mr Ramaphosa put
the country back on track? | 0:08:32 | 0:08:39 | |
Is he the man to do with the
enormous challenges South Africa | 0:08:39 | 0:08:44 | |
faces?
He is but he also may not be. | 0:08:44 | 0:08:48 | |
Explained.
There are two things here. Of | 0:08:48 | 0:08:51 | |
course, for the question itself, I
think you need to see it in two | 0:08:51 | 0:08:54 | |
ways. In one way, what is it for
South Africa? The other, what are | 0:08:54 | 0:09:02 | |
the implications for Africa? In
South Africa, Ramaphosa could | 0:09:02 | 0:09:08 | |
succeed but he is somebody who came
from the workers' background and a | 0:09:08 | 0:09:14 | |
millionaire, who worked with Western
business capitalists and succeeded. | 0:09:14 | 0:09:19 | |
Now, he needs to radically reshape
his own attitudes towards what | 0:09:19 | 0:09:24 | |
development and economic growth is
in a country like South Africa. | 0:09:24 | 0:09:28 | |
Does he have a plan?
He has a country and an economy, | 0:09:28 | 0:09:34 | |
according to capitalist ideas, but
he does not at the moment have a | 0:09:34 | 0:09:36 | |
plan to share that wealth for the
90% or so of people in South Africa. | 0:09:36 | 0:09:41 | |
If he does not, South Africa is just
not going to work. The other side, | 0:09:41 | 0:09:47 | |
for me, I think another side is more
important. South Africa is | 0:09:47 | 0:09:53 | |
democracy. To sort out those
problems is the obligations for | 0:09:53 | 0:10:00 | |
Africa... Look, I come from Uganda
and I belong to a pro-democracy | 0:10:00 | 0:10:05 | |
group called Free Uganda and we are
struggling in my country. The leader | 0:10:05 | 0:10:09 | |
was in power for 35 years, changing
positions to be a life president. If | 0:10:09 | 0:10:15 | |
Uganda and Sudan and Rwanda and
Zaire and so many of these African | 0:10:15 | 0:10:23 | |
countries... Trump used a very
horrible word beginning with less to | 0:10:23 | 0:10:29 | |
describe them. If we can learn from
south Africa about how democracy can | 0:10:29 | 0:10:34 | |
help us resolve our problems, it
will be... -- Trump used a word | 0:10:34 | 0:10:40 | |
beginning with S. To step away so we
can build our country... | 0:10:40 | 0:10:46 | |
That example of South Africa must
succeed in order to provide | 0:10:46 | 0:10:49 | |
something for the rest of the
continent. | 0:10:49 | 0:10:50 | |
It needs to succeed and it does not
succeed, we as Ugandans and Africans | 0:10:50 | 0:10:54 | |
from other countries, we are
watching carefully and we are | 0:10:54 | 0:10:57 | |
telling people like the president
that look, next is you and if we | 0:10:57 | 0:11:06 | |
don't have a dramatic graphic --
democratic process in which we can | 0:11:06 | 0:11:12 | |
change things, and we are going back
to the Civil War of the battles of | 0:11:12 | 0:11:16 | |
the past.
I don't know what you have made | 0:11:16 | 0:11:18 | |
about South Africa over the past
week. We now have the ANC damaged, | 0:11:18 | 0:11:22 | |
legitimacy in question by going for
a two elections in two years' time. | 0:11:22 | 0:11:27 | |
I saw the TV pictures of Parliament
yesterday when he made his speech, | 0:11:27 | 0:11:31 | |
his State of the union address, and
there was a feeling of such support. | 0:11:31 | 0:11:40 | |
I thought that was incredible,
because I did not think that when | 0:11:40 | 0:11:43 | |
this final week or two began that he
was going to be able to shift Jacob | 0:11:43 | 0:11:50 | |
Zuma.
Ramaphosa, one thing is that he is a | 0:11:50 | 0:11:56 | |
negotiator and he was influential in
getting this... | 0:11:56 | 0:12:00 | |
You know that game where you have a
pile of sticks and must pull one out | 0:12:00 | 0:12:04 | |
without the rest collapsing, it was
like that. And it is an amazing feat | 0:12:04 | 0:12:10 | |
to get to where he did, without a
drop of blood being spilled so far. | 0:12:10 | 0:12:14 | |
But he needs to now be a mediator
between, not between the political | 0:12:14 | 0:12:20 | |
classes and political leaders but
between the political classes, the | 0:12:20 | 0:12:24 | |
elites and the people. If he can
resolve that. | 0:12:24 | 0:12:28 | |
There is so much hope invested in
him. If you think that most of the | 0:12:28 | 0:12:31 | |
world will first have seen Cyril
Ramaphosa when he held the | 0:12:31 | 0:12:35 | |
microphone for Nelson Mandela as he
came out and made his first speeches | 0:12:35 | 0:12:38 | |
as he came out of jail. That is a
moment that anybody who was alive at | 0:12:38 | 0:12:43 | |
the time remembers. He is now
they're as the man carrying the | 0:12:43 | 0:12:47 | |
beacon for Mandela and his ideology.
It is whether he can rekindle that. | 0:12:47 | 0:12:56 | |
I must say it that... Remember the
mothers of the miners, he was one of | 0:12:56 | 0:13:02 | |
the directors of the company there.
He took the side of the employers. | 0:13:02 | 0:13:10 | |
He did apologise for that later.
He apologised but he is a political | 0:13:10 | 0:13:14 | |
leader and should have known better.
Now he is president of South Africa, | 0:13:14 | 0:13:17 | |
will he be on the side of the
workers and miners or will he be on | 0:13:17 | 0:13:22 | |
the side of business?
Thomas. | 0:13:22 | 0:13:24 | |
This reminds me of when he held the
microphone for Mandela, as Polly | 0:13:24 | 0:13:29 | |
said. The future of South Africa
rests as much as what happens with | 0:13:29 | 0:13:35 | |
the ANC that they can resuscitate
their reputation and what happens to | 0:13:35 | 0:13:39 | |
South Africa it self. The two are
essentially linked and we must see | 0:13:39 | 0:13:42 | |
whether there is a possibility of
the emergence of a new opposition | 0:13:42 | 0:13:45 | |
party.
Power corrupts and absolute power | 0:13:45 | 0:13:51 | |
corrupts and you need a significant
opposition to make democracy. | 0:13:51 | 0:13:55 | |
You do and the ANC will try its best
to clean up the Aegean stables, as | 0:13:55 | 0:14:01 | |
it were, but we need a second
political force in the country and | 0:14:01 | 0:14:04 | |
it is difficult in South Africa's
case because so much rests on the | 0:14:04 | 0:14:09 | |
mythological charisma of ANC and it
is hard to replace that. | 0:14:09 | 0:14:14 | |
If the ANC messes up this one,
within ten years we will get a shift | 0:14:14 | 0:14:18 | |
of power. It may not be strong
enough to take power. But the voters | 0:14:18 | 0:14:26 | |
could opportunistically combined our
forces to fight the ANC and they | 0:14:26 | 0:14:29 | |
would be in a different position
then. | 0:14:29 | 0:14:31 | |
Well that happen? It would
strategically make sense. | 0:14:31 | 0:14:35 | |
Depends what Ramaphosa does. If he
develops South Africa the way he | 0:14:35 | 0:14:41 | |
does business to succeed
economically but then radically | 0:14:41 | 0:14:42 | |
share that wealth with the rest of
the country, South Africa will be | 0:14:42 | 0:14:46 | |
better than Britain.
With the economy going, and it is | 0:14:46 | 0:14:49 | |
shocking that the growth rate is
only 1%, of a country that was seen | 0:14:49 | 0:14:53 | |
as one of the great powerhouses...
It is upon him to get the economy | 0:14:53 | 0:14:59 | |
back.
You say, unless he does that, there | 0:14:59 | 0:15:02 | |
is a division between whether he
helps workers or capitalism. He must | 0:15:02 | 0:15:06 | |
do both and kick-start capitalism to
generate wealth and redistribute as | 0:15:06 | 0:15:09 | |
well.
In the state of the union message | 0:15:09 | 0:15:14 | |
yesterday, it was about
accountability. If he is as good as | 0:15:14 | 0:15:16 | |
his words, he will be accountable to
the people, to the international | 0:15:16 | 0:15:20 | |
watchers and to political elites in
this country. It is important, | 0:15:20 | 0:15:27 | |
accountability is everything in a
democracy and we will see appears as | 0:15:27 | 0:15:29 | |
good as his word.
We shall leave South Africa now but | 0:15:29 | 0:15:32 | |
take that word accountability into
our next story. | 0:15:32 | 0:15:38 | |
Northern Ireland has been
without its devolved government | 0:15:38 | 0:15:40 | |
for 13 months now. | 0:15:40 | 0:15:41 | |
Does this matter? | 0:15:41 | 0:15:42 | |
Talks between the two largest
parties, the Democratic Unionist | 0:15:42 | 0:15:45 | |
Party and Sinn Fein,
to restore the status quo | 0:15:45 | 0:15:47 | |
have broken down, | 0:15:47 | 0:15:48 | |
and Westminster is reluctant
to bring back direct rule. | 0:15:48 | 0:15:50 | |
So, what happens next? | 0:15:51 | 0:15:54 | |
Brian, how serious is this political
mess, and how much does it impact | 0:15:54 | 0:15:57 | |
on Mrs May's Government,
who rely on the support of the DUP? | 0:15:57 | 0:16:01 | |
I think it is very serious and I
think it is more serious than the | 0:16:01 | 0:16:06 | |
press attention it has received in
British media anyway. It could not | 0:16:06 | 0:16:12 | |
have happened at a worse time, given
what we were talking about earlier | 0:16:12 | 0:16:17 | |
coming down the pipeline as regards
to Brexit. But where do they go from | 0:16:17 | 0:16:24 | |
here in the next...
First tell us what happened. What | 0:16:24 | 0:16:27 | |
was the problem? They got so
close... | 0:16:27 | 0:16:31 | |
They did get close. What the talks
fell to pieces over was an Irish | 0:16:31 | 0:16:36 | |
language act, which Sinn Fein had
been asking for three years, and it | 0:16:36 | 0:16:40 | |
goes way back --. Years and years.
It goes way back to an agreement and | 0:16:40 | 0:16:47 | |
it is not about who speaks Irish but
about recognition of the Irish | 0:16:47 | 0:16:51 | |
language and the same level as
English in Northern Ireland. | 0:16:51 | 0:16:57 | |
When you think about some of the
enormous challenges that these two | 0:16:57 | 0:17:01 | |
parties have overcome in the last 20
years to get to where we are today, | 0:17:01 | 0:17:05 | |
it is astonishing in a way to those
who don't follow a daily to think | 0:17:05 | 0:17:09 | |
that we could fall down over an
issue of language. | 0:17:09 | 0:17:11 | |
It is not bought my people have been
comparing it to, well, they have a | 0:17:11 | 0:17:17 | |
language act in Scotland and one in
Wales but Northern Ireland is | 0:17:17 | 0:17:19 | |
different. It goes back to the Good
Friday Agreement in 1998 when they | 0:17:19 | 0:17:25 | |
talk about parity of esteem, and one
of the things about that is the | 0:17:25 | 0:17:29 | |
recognition of the Irish language
and Scots Gaelic, the problem is | 0:17:29 | 0:17:34 | |
that there was a deal on the table
between the DUP and Sinn Fein and | 0:17:34 | 0:17:43 | |
ultimately Arlene Foster the DUP
leader could not sell it to the | 0:17:43 | 0:17:46 | |
grassroots because they were afraid
of things like road signs in two | 0:17:46 | 0:17:51 | |
languages and quarters for civil
servants seeking Irish... Which | 0:17:51 | 0:17:57 | |
Michelle O'Neill, her counterpart in
Sinn Fein and the other side of the | 0:17:57 | 0:18:00 | |
table, said, well, the draft
agreement does not even have that in | 0:18:00 | 0:18:03 | |
it.
It is a question of trust and | 0:18:03 | 0:18:06 | |
misunderstanding. But will they get
their? | 0:18:06 | 0:18:08 | |
They will come back to this and they
will have to come back to this | 0:18:08 | 0:18:12 | |
because they cannot move forward,
Sinn Fein will not allow | 0:18:12 | 0:18:14 | |
power-sharing to move forward until
this... | 0:18:14 | 0:18:19 | |
It is a problem of personalities in
a way? Because you look at these | 0:18:19 | 0:18:23 | |
leaders...
I think not, the problem is that it | 0:18:23 | 0:18:28 | |
is not clear it is in either of
their interests to actually run the | 0:18:28 | 0:18:32 | |
place. In a time of extreme
austerity, why do they want to be | 0:18:32 | 0:18:36 | |
responsible for schools and
hospitals and all the everyday | 0:18:36 | 0:18:38 | |
drudgery which aid is to run a
devolved Government under | 0:18:38 | 0:18:44 | |
Westminster, where Westminster has
screws to such extent you get | 0:18:44 | 0:18:47 | |
nothing but blame? There is not
really an incentive to either of | 0:18:47 | 0:18:50 | |
them to them to want to govern?
Who is to blame for the breakdown of | 0:18:50 | 0:18:54 | |
negotiations? Whose fault is it? Is
it the DUP's Fuld or Sinn Fein's? | 0:18:54 | 0:19:02 | |
You could say it is the DUP's fault
because it raises questions about | 0:19:02 | 0:19:06 | |
Arlene Foster's inability to lead
her party. You can also say Sinn | 0:19:06 | 0:19:13 | |
Fein should not maybe make such a
thing of it and everything else, but | 0:19:13 | 0:19:17 | |
it is important that the Irish
language act be important... But he | 0:19:17 | 0:19:22 | |
was the thing, to go back to what
you say, the DUP one direct rule | 0:19:22 | 0:19:27 | |
because they can then tell the Tory
Government at Westminster what to do | 0:19:27 | 0:19:31 | |
because they have direct rule. Sinn
Fein I think C in Brexit the best | 0:19:31 | 0:19:34 | |
chance they have had in a generation
to push the United Ireland agenda. | 0:19:34 | 0:19:42 | |
So there are much bigger forces in
play than the question of the Irish | 0:19:42 | 0:19:45 | |
language act.
Also a big issue of Ireland because | 0:19:45 | 0:19:49 | |
Ireland and Brexit... If the Irish
do not get what they need to get, | 0:19:49 | 0:19:52 | |
from these things in Northern
Ireland, they can just... | 0:19:52 | 0:19:56 | |
I just want to pick up with the
point from Polly, because you | 0:19:56 | 0:20:01 | |
said... Maybe neither side wants to
be ruling right now in this devolved | 0:20:01 | 0:20:05 | |
assembly. But where does that leave
the British Government? Karen | 0:20:05 | 0:20:09 | |
Bradley, the Northern Ireland
Secretary, says she considered | 0:20:09 | 0:20:11 | |
options this weekend and what are
her options? | 0:20:11 | 0:20:14 | |
Options are she will have to take
control and there is other option. | 0:20:14 | 0:20:17 | |
They must do what the DUP says
because the DUP is propping up the | 0:20:17 | 0:20:22 | |
main Government. We must remember
about the DUP that two thirds of its | 0:20:22 | 0:20:28 | |
members are these extreme free
Presbyterians, the Paisley founded | 0:20:28 | 0:20:34 | |
cult, and...
Cult is a bit strong language. | 0:20:34 | 0:20:39 | |
I tend to refer to religions in
general as cults. | 0:20:39 | 0:20:45 | |
It is the largest party in Northern
Ireland. | 0:20:45 | 0:20:47 | |
It is the largest party that only
0.6% of people in Northern Ireland | 0:20:47 | 0:20:52 | |
are actually free Presbyterians, so
they do represent something very | 0:20:52 | 0:20:55 | |
extreme. In the same sense that Sinn
Fein does not really represent | 0:20:55 | 0:20:59 | |
nationalist views either. We have
ended up with the two most extreme | 0:20:59 | 0:21:01 | |
parties who do not represent in all
polls what people actually feel and | 0:21:01 | 0:21:08 | |
where they stand. It is a
misrepresentation of the real state | 0:21:08 | 0:21:10 | |
of being in Northern Ireland.
Interesting, and what is | 0:21:10 | 0:21:15 | |
interesting, Vincent, in the African
angle, is that Cyril Ramaphosa and | 0:21:15 | 0:21:18 | |
we were talking about a month ago
first played a role in bringing | 0:21:18 | 0:21:21 | |
sides together and inspecting IRA
arms dumps. So is there a role for | 0:21:21 | 0:21:28 | |
outsiders at this point?
No, I don't think he will have any | 0:21:28 | 0:21:32 | |
opportunity.
I'm not looking at him because he is | 0:21:32 | 0:21:35 | |
busy, but is a role for any outsider
in the Irish question? | 0:21:35 | 0:21:38 | |
I'm sure the European Union, but in
terms of Britain and on... I think | 0:21:38 | 0:21:43 | |
the role of Ireland will be
something that matters a lot. As an | 0:21:43 | 0:21:48 | |
African, I will say something more
antagonistic. And this is a fact. In | 0:21:48 | 0:21:54 | |
Africa, since independence, and
before independence, the whole idea | 0:21:54 | 0:21:59 | |
of our survival has been fighting
for independence. And whether we had | 0:21:59 | 0:22:05 | |
this peace process in Northern
Ireland, which somehow brought | 0:22:05 | 0:22:08 | |
people mechanically together to be
run together still within the United | 0:22:08 | 0:22:12 | |
Kingdom, many Africans always have,
whenever we talk about Northern | 0:22:12 | 0:22:17 | |
Ireland, they ask me, but why
doesn't written just leave Northern | 0:22:17 | 0:22:22 | |
Ireland to go back to Ireland and
become an independent country as | 0:22:22 | 0:22:24 | |
well? An answer to why not? Because
that is a question of history... | 0:22:24 | 0:22:32 | |
That history is what rules...
The rule is democracy in that if | 0:22:32 | 0:22:38 | |
they voted to join the rest of
Ireland we would be out in a flash. | 0:22:38 | 0:22:41 | |
It is a majority in Northern Ireland
by consent. | 0:22:41 | 0:22:47 | |
But their condition and defined by
history. | 0:22:47 | 0:22:49 | |
It is not defined by history.
I'm not quite sure the South of | 0:22:49 | 0:22:56 | |
Ireland would be happy with that
idea of being stuck with the DUP. We | 0:22:56 | 0:23:00 | |
have been there and I'm glad we have
won there but now that is not a | 0:23:00 | 0:23:04 | |
viewpoint which will solve the
current situation, I guess, not a | 0:23:04 | 0:23:07 | |
viewpoint which is one of those of
the current players. | 0:23:07 | 0:23:11 | |
Alas I am much mistaken.
It is very much a viewpoint held by | 0:23:11 | 0:23:14 | |
Sinn Fein. They are saying, we
stopped the fight but we have not | 0:23:14 | 0:23:20 | |
stopped our struggle for
independence. | 0:23:20 | 0:23:24 | |
One of the most important part of
the Good Friday Agreement was the | 0:23:24 | 0:23:26 | |
South of Ireland gave up in its
constitution its demand an | 0:23:26 | 0:23:31 | |
expectation that the North should
join with the South. That was a very | 0:23:31 | 0:23:36 | |
important making of the peace that
both sides understood. | 0:23:36 | 0:23:41 | |
Around this table, we will all agree
that it is a democratic process. | 0:23:41 | 0:23:45 | |
It is and it has kept a piece, but
we must remind people we must only | 0:23:45 | 0:23:50 | |
think about future.
But going back to the paralysis of | 0:23:50 | 0:23:55 | |
the democratic process now, Thomas?
I think if you hand back direct rule | 0:23:55 | 0:23:59 | |
to Westminster, that is the end of
devolution. What is devolution | 0:23:59 | 0:24:02 | |
about? It is about self-government
and if the parties concerned are to | 0:24:02 | 0:24:08 | |
be in Northern Ireland unable to do
that, what is the future of | 0:24:08 | 0:24:13 | |
devolution in Northern Ireland?
I think the British Government will | 0:24:13 | 0:24:16 | |
be very reluctant to go back to
direct rule, and they would come | 0:24:16 | 0:24:22 | |
under huge pressure from the Irish
Government, massive pressure from | 0:24:22 | 0:24:26 | |
the Irish Government. At the moment,
relations between the British and | 0:24:26 | 0:24:29 | |
Irish governments are affixed on the
whole issue of the border and the | 0:24:29 | 0:24:34 | |
revelatory alignment and all that
kind of thing and the customs union. | 0:24:34 | 0:24:38 | |
And I don't think they will want to
put direct rule in on top of all of | 0:24:38 | 0:24:42 | |
that.
There are enough, but what is the | 0:24:42 | 0:24:44 | |
end of it? No direct rule...
They will go back to... They will | 0:24:44 | 0:24:48 | |
leave it for some weeks and come
back to the talks again and see if | 0:24:48 | 0:24:51 | |
they can get some kind of agreement
and go back to that... | 0:24:51 | 0:24:54 | |
What about the border?
It has made it worse and hasn't | 0:24:54 | 0:25:01 | |
helped but exacerbated up my the
whole thing hanging over the | 0:25:01 | 0:25:04 | |
break-up of these doctors the issue
of the border. | 0:25:04 | 0:25:07 | |
That is coming down the pipe so fast
that one wonders whether they can | 0:25:07 | 0:25:11 | |
get agreement before the Brexit
thing happens. At the moment the | 0:25:11 | 0:25:14 | |
Irish Government is absolutely
adamant that the deal they came to | 0:25:14 | 0:25:19 | |
last December about regulatory
alignment, you know, if Britain | 0:25:19 | 0:25:25 | |
wants to leave the customs union and
wants to leave the EU they will | 0:25:25 | 0:25:28 | |
still have to have some form of
keeping the border open and they are | 0:25:28 | 0:25:33 | |
adamant about that. That is the
number-1 priority for Dublin. | 0:25:33 | 0:25:36 | |
That takes us back to the beginning,
which is actually where must end. | 0:25:36 | 0:25:40 | |
That's all we have
time for this week. | 0:25:40 | 0:25:42 | |
Do join us again next week
same time same place. | 0:25:42 | 0:25:46 | |
But for now,
thank you for watching and goodbye. | 0:25:46 | 0:25:49 |