20/08/2014 HARDtalk


20/08/2014

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Transcript


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Welcome to HARDtalk.

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Do Christians have a future in the Arab world?

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It's a question raised with a new sense of urgency

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as an extraordinarily violent brand of jihadi extremism sweeps through

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Syria and Iraq.

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Tens of thousands of Christians, along with other minorities,

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have been forced from their homes, hundreds murdered.

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Right across the region, Christians are fearful.

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My guest is Bishop Angaelos of the Egyptian Coptic Church.

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What can the outside world do to protect

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the Arab Christian tradition?

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Bishop Angaelos, welcome to HARDtalk.

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Thank you.

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I have referred to what is happening in Iraq and Syria today.

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Has that engendered a new level of fear amongst Christians

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across the Middle East?

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It presents a different dynamic.

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Christians throughout the centuries have faced challenges.

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In particular, over the last few months, it has reached a new level.

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But is it qualitatively different?

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We have seen political Islam for decades in different forms

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in the Middle East.

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Is there something qualitatively different

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in what is happening today?

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We haven't seen an exercising of a caliphate in recent history.

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We haven't seen the direct imposition of jizya

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in recent history and I think the formalisation

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of those, unless they are reacted to, will create viable models to be

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replicated throughout the region.

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You talk about the jizya, the taxation or the demand that

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if taxes are not paid, Christians must flee or face death

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in certain circumstances.

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What we have learnt about the treatment of Christian

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communities and, it should be said, other minorities like the Yazidis

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too, is so horrific, so shocking, that I come back to this point.

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If you are a Christian living, say, in the West Bank or in Egypt today,

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are you looking at what is happening there and are you thinking,

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"I need to be worried about this"?

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Throughout the region, Egypt has a specific dynamic.

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Because the vast bulk of Christians are in Egypt,

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we are talking about millions, the dynamic is less intense.

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But when you look at countries like Syria, Iraq, the West Bank,

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throughout the Middle East, people must be worried.

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You have referred in the recent past to the incredible

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silence of the international community in the face of persecution

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of minorities in the Middle East.

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It is a damning statement.

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When we look at Iraq hitting the headlines in the last few weeks,

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people don't realise that Mosul was overtaken in June and for a long

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time, no one was saying anything.

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I was happy last week to see, suddenly, the spotlight cast on it.

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But whether it was in Mosul or earlier in Syria in certain areas,

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or even what happened in Egypt one year ago, in August, when churches

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were burnt and attacked, there has been an incredible silence.

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The problem is, so much is happening in the region that we tend to have

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a single focus on a single area.

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Once something happens, it moves to the next area.

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We don't address the past any more and it becomes

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the past very quickly.

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It has become an active debate in the Christian community in the UK.

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The Bishop of Leeds very recently wrote a letter to

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Prime Minister David Cameron, saying that we in Britain don't seem to

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have a coherent or comprehensive approach to Islamist extremism.

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I am sure that you saw those words, do you think they were correct?

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I saw the Bishop's letter, as I saw the Prime Minister's letter

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this week.

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In which he talked about a generational struggle.

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He said "A generational struggle against a

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poisonous extremist ideology".

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He seemed to be saying "I get it".

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Do you think politicians in the West, in nominally Christian

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countries, get it ?

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They get it when it is a risk to their own countries.

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But as long as it is at arm's length, elsewhere, less so.

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That is understandable.

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Politicians' primary objective is the securing of their own nations.

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But when you look at the global community, looking at the needs

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of places, for instance, in Iraq, Syria, Egypt, where people cannot

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represent themselves, I am not talking about boots on the ground as

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we spoke about or even about intervention,

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I am speaking about saving, "This is wrong and something needs

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to be done" and having, as you say, a coherent and holistic approach.

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You cannot have policy on one hand, humanitarian aid on another,

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interreligious dialogue on the third and then have no

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correlation between them.

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Isn't this where church leaders, Christian church leaders,

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get into a tangle?

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In the recent past, the Church has made a strong stand

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against military interventions, led, I suppose, by the Pope and

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the Vatican, who have stuck to this idea for years that, "Never again,

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war", which has been their mantra.

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Now that Christians are specifically being targeted, it looks as though

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some Christian leaders, maybe even the Vatican too, are revisiting

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whether the mantra should always apply, particularly when Christians

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themselves are in direct danger.

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I know

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for a fact and I speak about Egypt because that is what I know most

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about, I would never have asked for external military intervention

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because that won't work.

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Unless you have a solution from within.

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Sometimes, when innocent civilians, in this case, civilians targeted

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because of their religion, which happens to be Christian in

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this case, what else is there but military intervention to protect?

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First and foremost, we need to protect them by moving

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them and securing where they are.

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I am not a military strategist.

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It might be necessary sometimes.

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It isn't something I would ask for as a first port of call.

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If there is a peaceful solution, won by reconciliation, bringing

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people together to understand...

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Coming to my opening question on the qualitative difference

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when we look at the Islamic State movement, what kind of dialogue,

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negotiation, could there be with the Islamic State?

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From what I read and see, I think they are making it clear that there

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is no realm for reconciliation or reaching out because

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the perspective becomes narrow, it isn't just Christians or

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minorities, it is other Muslims who are being targeted.

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Unless you fit into the tight mould of what they see Islam should be

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in the area, even if you are Muslim, you will be targeted.

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Isn't this where you, and I know that you have travelled

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the world preaching reconciliation and interfaith dialogue, isn't this

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where you come up, with your high-minded Christian values, run

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into reality and reality doesn't work in the way you would like it

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to?

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I would say of course there is that reality but also, we

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would live with the ideal of peace.

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It's not up to me to advocate for war.

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I present a peaceful solution.

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The war solution is for other people.

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I am always the one who presents a different solution.

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You risk the danger of failing your people if you say that you represent

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dialogue, talk, reconciliation as a solution and yet in the same breath

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you recognise that people you are dealing with are not interested in

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that, you run the risk of fundamentally

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failing your community.

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The realism is that dialogue and reconciliation only happens

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when all parties are open, you can't have dialogue with one party

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alone, it only works when everyone wants to come to the table.

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Dialogue and reconciliation only happens when there is conflict.

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Unless people want a solution about conflict, then if they have burnt

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those bridges, and the final...

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Which they have.

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The final solution is that now we are securing territories

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and the politicians decide to have a military intervention,

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that is within their prerogative.

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You are washing your hands of giving any commentary upon it, though you

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are suggesting sort of that there are circumstances in which military

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intervention has to happen.

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I am not washing my hands, I am commenting on where I can,

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my remit is not on military intervention but on representing

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peace and giving that option.

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I also understand that within any state, there are various arms.

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Religion and politics shouldn't mix.

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Interesting you say that, because I will interrupt you to put

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the words of the Pope, Pope Francis, to you, because he is wrestling

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with this as you are too.

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He said, where there is an unjust aggression, I can only say

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that it is licit, his word, licit to stop the aggressor.

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I underscore the word stop.

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I can't comment.

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You and he are falling short of what most ordinary people

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listening to that would think ought to be said, which is that in certain

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specific circumstances, military intervention is the only way.

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Countries have armies and there is military intervention

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when it is needed.

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No one is saying there should never be military intervention.

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What we say is that it shouldn't be a primary or

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even secondary approach.

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When people are being targeted and they need to be secured, then they'd

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need to be secured at whatever cost.

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Let's flip this around and think about this from the point of view of

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decision-makers in Western capitals, Washington, DC, London as well.

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Do you think that there is some sort of extra obligation upon Western,

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nominally Christian countries, to look out for, to intervene and to

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protect Christians in dire straits as in Iraq or Syria today?

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There is an obligation to apply principles we

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are supposed to live by, whether it is for Christians...

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You make no distinction between what is happening to Christians or

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other minority sects,

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or indeed she at pot

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You say that there is no special relationship case between Western

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Christian countries and Christian communities in trouble in the Middle

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East? I don't think so.

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First of all, a Christian country, that term, doesn't make sense.

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Countries cannot be Christian or Muslim.

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They might have a Christian ethos or background,

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but if we apply Christian principles, then they don't look

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at anyone with a specific lens.

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Christianity looks at everyone equally and the protection of human

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rights and civil liberties equally.

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Interesting you say that, because I am thinking in my mind as you speak

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of the attitude taken over many decades by the Israeli government

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when it comes to the persecution of Jews, when we think

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of the Israeli state in the 1940s, the government was extraordinarily

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interventionist in trying to protect and indeed rescue Jews

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in various Arab countries who were facing direct persecution.

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They saw it as a duty to bring these people in and to save them.

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France, today, has talked about its willingness to take, through the

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asylum system, Christians from Iraq.

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But you are saying that you don't see

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there is an obligation for Christian countries to take that step?

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I struggle with the term Christian countries.

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Countries in the West, with the possibilities

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of taking asylum seekers, they should open their doors to anyone

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with a credible case to come in.

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Of course, you put priority on where the

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priority is greatest.

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In the Middle East, it is obvious and irrefutable that the major

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persecution is on Christians.

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So you would give them more assistance

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and open the doors more because we need to remember that

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in the past years, when Christians were persecuted in a Middle Eastern

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country, they moved to another.

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Again, controversial subject amongst Christian communities in the UK.

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The Bishop of Leeds in his letter to David Cameron said

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he was very uneasy about the increasing silence about

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the plight of tens of thousands of Christians who have been displaced,

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driven from their homeland.

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He says they seem to have fallen from consciousness in the UK and I

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wonder why, he asked.

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Why is it their plight appears less regarded than that of others?

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We have become desensitised and I think that we sometimes have almost

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a positive discrimination, because of a post-colonial mindset, where

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we see ourselves as a Christian country, we see if we stand up for

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Christians, it is almost something that is inappropriate, so we stand

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up for other minorities.

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If we took off those glasses and looked at need...

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There is a difference between opening doors to refugees

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and some people calling for getting all of the Christians

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out of the Middle East, which I think would be a fundamental flaw.

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Do you? The Anglican canon who has spent a lot of time with Anglican

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communities in Baghdad, Andrew White, said it was time to recognise

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that the Christian community in Iraq was totally finished and that

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20-30,000 Iraqi Christians would jump at the opportunity to be

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rescued, airlifted out of Iraq today and given asylum in the UK.

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You're telling me that they oughtn't be given that chance?

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They are a neutralising and reconciling future as well.

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To get them out destabilises them, because if they are...

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What if they want to get out?

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What if they feel they are in danger?

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If they want to do that, they should be.

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But we should not be trying to get people out.

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If people feel the need to get out, if they don't feel they can protect

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their families and their livelihood, then they have a human right to live

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in a secure and protected setting.

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It seems to me this is an incredibly important debate

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for somebody like you, who represents a minority religious

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group in a vast country like Egypt.

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You have to decide at what point it is no longer viable to maintain

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the community and its massive historic tradition

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in situ, and to what extent you are prepared to contemplate running

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risks to keep your traditions and your community going.

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The Church does not make those decisions, people do. If it was

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the desire of every Coptic Christian to leave Egypt, during the past few

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years when there were incredible struggles, they would have done so.

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Yet, what we see...

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They can't, can they? Many couldn't get

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permission to settle in

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another country, they wouldn't have the economic wherewith

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to settle in

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another country.

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I am very mindful of the words of an Iraqi cleric in Lebanon,

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who said just the other day, that France was making

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a terrible mistake, indicating it would take Christians seeking asylum

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from the terrible troubles in Iraq.

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He said, telling questions they have no other option

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but to emigrate was absolutely the wrong thing to do, and it

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threatened to destroy historic communities in the Middle East.

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I think there is a difference between

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a country graciously opening its doors, because I

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think that is a good thing.

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And telling people that if you want to come, come.

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Rather than saying to them, you have no hope, you must leave.

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I think if we said to them, you have no viable existence, that is very

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different to saying our doors are open if you don't think you can

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sustain yourself in security there.

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We have talked about Iraq but I want to press you

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more on the situation of Coptic Christians in Egypt,

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which is your main area of concern.

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It seems to me there is one difficult area that Christians have

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had to tread in in Egypt recently.

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Your community has been for years supportive of and relatively close

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to the authoritarian regime of Hosni Mubarak, and after he fell,

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and now that General al-Sisi has become President al-Sisi,

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very supportive of al-Sisi too.

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Do you think that has been a mistake for Coptic Christians

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to line up so supportively behind authoritarian military government?

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I think it is important to find out why people support

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whoever they support.

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Whether they support a military government or a socialist

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setting, it is because that's where they think their interests are.

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That is where they are best protected, is that right?

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It is not just Copts, it is everyone. It is very difficult to

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establish who supported Mubarak

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and who didn't.

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I think it is oversimplistic to say that the Christians did,

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because the whole country pretty much stood where the Christians

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stood, and where the Muslims stood, everyone stood.

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You may say that, but I think in the words of your current Coptic

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Pope, when he very specifically refused to describe the military

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takeover, the toppling of the Muslim Brotherhood government in 2013 as a

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coup, he refused to use that word.

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He hailed General al-Sisi as a hero and a saviour.

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Again, they weren't the words of the Pope himself.

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I think I would still struggle with the word coup.

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A coup is the military takeover to have military rule.

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That is pretty much what you had.

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You also had the locking up of the democratically elected government.

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I don't want to step into the position of speaking

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for the military.

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I am asking you to speak for the Coptic people.

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I am wondering whether it is wise and continues to be wise for Coptic

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Christians to be seen to be so close to that brand of governance.

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I don't think it is just the Coptic Christians.

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I think what happened in the past two years flagged up

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that the problem in Egypt is not Coptic Christians, it is a Muslim

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presence that marginalised a large hulk of the Egyptian population,

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Christian and Muslim alike.

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What happened was not only Christians.

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When the Pope spoke, it was because we didn't have in Egypt a safeguard.

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of what happened in Egypt, there would be safeguards around him.

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There is Parliament, there is a judiciary, there are

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things that would stop that.

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In Egypt, there was nothing, when the people called out, had there

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been an alternative to the military to lead that step, they would have

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followed that alternative.

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It seems to me the basis of what you are saying is

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that the Arab uprising, which frankly,, we can now say brought

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terrible disorder to the Middle East, has been deeply damaging to

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Coptic Christians, and what Coptic Christians

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and other minority communities in the Middle East need is order,

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and if it is Hosni Mubarak for Bashar al-Assad, or General al-Sisi,

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then Christians will move towards that sort of order, am I right?

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I would like to speak in a new paradigm.

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That is that we should stop singling out Christians or Muslims otherwise.

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If we speak about Egyptian citizens, all of them, across-the-board,

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they will all want stability, whether they are Christian, Muslim,

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even secular or religious.

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Whatever leadership provides that should be followed.

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The problem we have had is that we have had leaderships that have

0:22:130:22:16

followed particular sections of society,

0:22:160:22:18

and not advocated for the whole.

0:22:180:22:22

That is where people find it difficult to know who to follow.

0:22:220:22:26

I suppose post-Arab spring, what Arabs fear is popular uprising

0:22:260:22:32

and democracy in the Middle East, because it is bad for them.

0:22:320:22:42

Democracy is a means to an end, not an end in itself.

0:22:420:22:48

We have been selling democracy as a wonderful, necessary thing

0:22:480:22:50

for people to become civilised.

0:22:500:22:52

Whereas, democracy is only a vehicle to bring forth

0:22:520:23:02

representation, security, stability, and if what we wanted to push as

0:23:020:23:04

democracy then didn't provide those things, then it failed.

0:23:040:23:19

What we need to do is look for a model that provides those

0:23:190:23:22

things for all those people.

0:23:220:23:23

Is it too late for those people?

0:23:230:23:25

100 or more years ago, roughly 20% of

0:23:250:23:26

the Arab population was Christian, now it is in the low single digits.

0:23:260:23:30

Is it too late?

0:23:300:23:31

I don't think it is ever too late.

0:23:310:23:33

I have a perspective as a Christian, if you look at the seventh

0:23:330:23:36

century, with the introduction of Islam to Egypt, what we are seeing

0:23:360:23:39

now gives us a very small picture of what was believed in the centuries.

0:23:390:23:45

If we are able to outlive those, we will outlive this one.

0:23:450:23:48

The thing is, we need to outlive it for

0:23:480:23:50

the purpose of the whole country.

0:23:500:23:53

I want us to stop looking at Christians as Christians as a

0:23:530:23:56

whole, but look at the whole world.

0:23:560:23:58

If we don't protect each other, if we don't get Muslim leaders

0:23:580:24:01

standing up and saying, this is wrong, and if we don't get Christian

0:24:010:24:04

leaders standing up and supporting them, then no one will win.

0:24:040:24:07

We have to end there, but thank you very much.

0:24:070:24:10

Bishop Angaelos, thank you very much.

0:24:100:24:14

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