02/11/2017 House of Commons

should be available online and I

will see what can be done.

I think

he needs a new copy. Let's move on

to the ministerial statement,

Secretary of State for Northern

Ireland.

I would like to make a

statement about the current particle

situation in Northern Ireland. As

the House is aware, Northern Ireland

has been without a properly

functioning devolved executive and

assembly for nine months. During

this time the Democratic Unionist

Party and Sinn Fein as the two

largest parties and the assembly

have been engaged in a series of

discussions to restore inclusive

power-sharing Government at

Stormont. The latest phase of the

discussions began in August and it

is the responsibility of the parties

to reach an agreement and the

Government has been working

tirelessly to support this process.

In addition to this I have kept in

regular contact with the Ulster

Unionists, SDLP underlines as well

as representatives of business and

civil society. The prime ministers

has also remained closely involved

throughout the process and has held

a number of discussions with the

leaders of the DUP and Sinn Fein as

well as keeping in contact with the

Taoiseach. The Irish Government has

been involved in the three stranded

approach to Northern Ireland affairs

and I would like to acknowledge the

contribution of the Irish Foreign

Minister. Our efforts have been

focused on bridging a small number

of differences between the two

largest parties, particularly around

in language and culture that have

prevented a sustainable executive

being formed. While important

progress has been made, the parties

have not yet reached an agreement.

Therefore I am not in a position to

bring before the House legislation

necessary for an executive to be

formed this week. The consequence of

this is that it is now highly

unlikely that an executive could be

in place within a timetable to be

assured of passing a budget by the

end of November. Which is the point

at which we and the Northern Ireland

civil service assess the Northern

Ireland will begin to run out of

resources. No Government could

simply stand by and allow that to

happen and we will be checking our

responsibilities to the people of

Northern Ireland were we to do so.

That is why the Government will take

forward the necessary steps to

nibble a budget bill to be

introduced in order to protect the

delivery of public services said

Northern Ireland. This budget bill

would deal only with the current

financial year, it would incorporate

figures provided by the Northern

Ireland civil service reflecting the

assessment of the outgoing

priorities of the previous

executive, it would not set out any

spending decisions by me or by the

Government. As the Leader of the

House has indicated, I would expect

the budget bill to be considered in

this House shortly after the

November recess. Subject to

parliamentary approval of this bill

would give the Northern Ireland

civil service certainty to plan for

the rest of this financial year by

giving the necessary legal authority

to spend to existing plans. I would

like to take this opportunity to put

on records my deep appreciation for

the professionalism of the Northern

Ireland civil service and attaining

public services during this very

difficult time. The Government's

strong desire would be fully

restored executive in Northern

Ireland to take four its own budget.

This tip is one that I now take with

the uppermost martens and only in

the absence of any other option. I

want to be clear that passing a

budget in Westminster does not mark

a move to direct rule. Any more than

passing of legislation by this House

to set a regional rates dead and

April. It is important to emphasise

this is not an obstacle to continue

political negotiations. The

Government will continue to work

with the parties with that clear

intent. Even though however unlikely

this may be, should the parties

demonstrate that any negative could

be formed in the media future I

would clearly wish to proceed with

the legislation that would allow

that to happen. On the condition

that amines can be created to

provide an expert stated procedure

on an exceptional basis to enable

the budget to be passed by the end

of November. In addition to the

preparations of legislation and the

strength of public concern, and also

reflect carefully on the issue of

salaries for assembly members. This

is a devolved matter and I cannot

intervene without primary

legislation in Westminster. As a

recently told the Northern Ireland

affairs committee in the continued

absence of a functioning assembly,

the status quo is not terrible.

Therefore I will be seeking

independent advice on what steps may

be taken to reflect the current self

circumstances. I still hope that the

parties can resolve their

differences and that any sector can

be formed. We will continue to work

with them and support them in their

efforts. Together with the Irish

Government we remain steadfast in

our commitment to the 1980s Belfast

agreement and its successors and to

the institutions the established. It

remains the limit in the interest of

Northern Ireland to seek devolved

Government to be restored, but

coolly collected politicians making

decisions for the people of Northern

Ireland Onkyo, has such as health,

education and transport. We're clear

that Northern Ireland is a properly

functioning and inclusive devolved

Government along effective

structures for cooperation.

Ultimately the Government is

responsible for good governance in

Northern Ireland and we will do

whatever is necessary to provide

that. I commend the statement to the

House.

May I begin by thanking the

Secretary of State for his statement

and the great efforts to keep me

brief during crucial points during

the talks. I know he agrees it is

profoundly disappointing ten months

after the breakdown of Stormont

after two elections and countless

increasingly meaningless deadlines,

the larger parties remain deadlocked

unable to agree with one another on

the agenda for change and unwilling

to show trust one another. I also

want to put on record my support for

the work that the Northern Ireland

civil service has been doing,

keeping services going and for the

work done by the Irish Government in

particular the Foreign Minister and

trying to bring about resolution.

When we disagree I suspect is on

what what could be done during those

ten months and still might be done

to bring about resolution. Firstly

and most importantly we believe the

plainest of Great Britain and

Northern Ireland -- the Prime

Minister of Great Britain and

Northern Ireland could bring about a

resolution of the impasse. It is

inexcusable and inexplicable that

she is only visited Northern Ireland

once during her 15 months and office

and that for a 50 minute photocall

during the elections at an

agricultural show. She has not

attended a single substantive

session of the talks in Belfast and

she has not made a single

substantive intervention to try and

move things along. I know things

have been difficult recently but

frankly the odd phone call to the

Taoiseach just is not good enough.

It may be true that the days of the

primaries the flying into Northern

Ireland to try and fix things are

passed and overstated but they could

at least give it a go and we have

not seen our Prime Minister doing so

and we want to see more effort from

her. Secondly the table must have

come to draft in some outside help

for both the Prime Minister and the

Secretary of State. The Labour Party

has a proud record of bringing about

progress in the peace process in

Northern Ireland, an independent

observers have proved useful in the

past so can I ask the Secretary of

State at this juncture to consider

doing likewise and bringing in a

fresh pair of eyes. That may I ask

the Secretary of State if you can

tell us any more about his

intentions now that this round of

talks have failed because we will

support him wholeheartedly of course

and bringing forward a budget,

public services in Northern Ireland

as elsewhere need investment not

cuts and he will have to tell the

House and he intends to consult the

parties on priorities and ensure

that funds are spent equitably.

There are reports that he has also

been discussing with the parties

other ways to sustain and find a

role for the assembly even under

direct rule so can he tell us today

what that might mean because I'd be

be clear, direct rule would be a

profoundly damaging retrograde step

in the peace process. A shadow

assembly of some sort perhaps

scrutinising of even advertising

direct rule ministers crucially that

would be a way to sustain vital

north relations and institutions,

East-West institutions things that

are crucial to the Belfast Good

Friday Agreement that may provide

some mitigation. It is certainly an

idea we would be willing to explore

other side of the House as a means

of sustaining the talks and as a

bridge back to devolution. Given

that ultimate object of that we

share, carried out shall also to

resist giving Crotty said today

short-term pressure to cut pay,

cutting politician pays was popular

but we need this generation of

Northern Ireland politicians to talk

together to bring about

power-sharing and Faust he is right

that patience is wearing thin he

should resist steps that would

undermine the ability of the parties

to negotiate and engage,

particularly smaller parties. And

can I get them a foretaste of what

life will mean for him under direct

rule and ask them to agree with me

that this morning's report by the

Institute for Fiscal Studies makes

shameful reading for his Government

in particular in respect of Northern

Ireland because it shows that more

children will be driven into

absolute poverty in Northern Ireland

by the changes to Universal Credit

and pernicious to child policy than

in any other nation of the UK. Would

he commit to using his forthcoming

budget to undo that harm to the

children of Northern Ireland?

Can I

thank the right honourable gentleman

for his comments in support of the

proposals to bring forward a budget

bill and the necessity to ensure

that we have that financial

stability. That will help the

Northern Ireland civil service

continue with the work that they

have been doing already in ensuring

that public services are delivered,

having that focus on the people of

Northern Ireland and they also

acknowledge the support he has given

to the civil service, all of those

engaged and involved for that

important work. I agree with him on

the profound disappointment or not

finding the resolution to date,

Northern Ireland needs devolved

Government. I profoundly believe in

devolution and in that sense of

locally elected politicians making

decisions locally and held

accountable by an elected assembly.

Locally. That is what is profoundly

in the best interests of Northern

Ireland and he talks about other

options, my focus remains very

firmly on how we see devolution

restored. I think anything else as a

backward step, that there is the

concerns about the delivery of

public services will we are taking

the step we have outlined today and

that ultimately they simply cannot

carry on for ever. It is a need to

ensure that this political

decision-making being taken. He

highlights the issue of the process

and the steps to follow on. I would

have liked to him that bringing

forward of this budget bill should

not a Mac to the end of the talks,

indeed the parties themselves have

indicated that they remain committed

to finding a way forward is to seek

a resolution and discussions between

the DUP and Sinn Fein, how they can

continue and finding ways to ensure

that they do find a resolution at

around a small number of issues but

whether it is different is that

family remains between the two

parties. Well that has been positive

progress on a number of fronts we

are not at that point of reaching

agreement. He highlights the

potential role of the play

ministers, I would say to him she

has been actively involved talking

to the party. She had meeting with

the parties at number ten in terms

of bringing them together and so she

does remain actively involved and

including continued discussions with

the Taoiseach and electrically can

work together as two governments to

ensure that there is coordinated

approach respectful for the way in

which these issues are undertaken

and respect of Northern Ireland. I

think he makes points about

intervention and things like that,

clearly we do keep issues under

careful review and they do not rule

anything out in respect of the way

forward. We want to see the

engagement that has been undertaken

in earnest in a concerted way

between the two parties continuing

will stop they have shown that they

can make progress in that format, we

want to support them are continuing

to see that and I honestly want to

see the rest of restoration of the

devolved settlement, institutions

that are at the heart of the Belfast

Good Friday Agreement that actually

underpin the framework that we have

another violent and see that that is

restored at the list opportunity and

doing all that we can as a

Government to see that that that is

brought about.

Other points in relation to the

economy were made. I would say to

him about Universal Credit, that it

is about making work pay, about how

we get people back into work, seeing

the pathways and seeing things are

supported. We are looking at this

carefully in terms of the way this

is implemented in Northern Ireland.

I would also point to the picture of

prosperity, of jobs, of an economy

that is growing, and on issues of

tourism, more people coming to

Northern Ireland and I would

encourage him to underpin that in

the message she gets.

I know my

right honourable friend sheers

weariness, so I would welcome the

statement today. Can I commend him

for his patience and fortitude

during this process. Last week the

committee that I cheer visited Newry

and spoke with businessmen. No-bid

in the United Kingdom are the

effects of Brexit going to be felt

more acutely than in that region.

And yet, Northern Ireland stands to

suffer in the negotiations because

its voice will not be heard clearly

enough alongside other home nations.

Given that the executive is likely

to be in abeyance for a large part

of the negotiating period, what

measures will maybe put in place to

ensure Northern Ireland's voice is

heard?

Can I commend him for the

work of his committee who I know

have taken a clear focus and

interest in the issues around Brexit

and Northern Ireland, and I am sure

they will continue to do so, and the

evidence his committee has been

producing has been helpful and

informative. This government wants

to see the most positive outcome for

the United Kingdom as a whole,

including Northern Ireland. That is

why we do not publish the paper --

published the paper in the summer

discussing how we can do this

effectively. We will be continuing,

as we have been through the first

phase of the negotiations, to

underline those specific factors and

elements to ensure they are

recognising the unique circumstances

of Northern Ireland, and the parties

in Northern Ireland included, to

ensure the factors are addressed,

and I am determined that is what the

outcome will be.

The people of

Northern Ireland have every right to

be disappointed with politicians who

should be achieving a return to a

functioning executive. It will

falter this place which lacks the

detailed knowledge Stormont

politicians have to set a budget for

Northern Ireland, when it should be

Stormont. It is essential that

control is passed back to Belfast as

soon as possible, so can the

Secretary of State tell us what the

insurmountable barriers are that the

Stormont politicians face, and how

he intends to break them down?

Reimposing direct rule would be a

foolish thing to do, but Brexit and

the coming border issues make it

ridiculous. How will he avoid that

and ensure Northern Ireland moves

forward? Is he giving consideration

to changing the legislation

governing power-sharing to ensure

future elections cannot return to

stalemate negotiations that harm the

people that Stormont should be

helping. What steps will he be

putting before calling new

elections, and finally,

unfortunately I must express my

disappointment that highly unusually

I received the Secretary of State's

statement by e-mail with only 50

seconds to spare. The written

statement six minutes after the

Secretary of State began to speak.

So, I would be grateful for an

understanding of how that happened

so it does not happen in the future.

I will follow up with the honourable

lady after this statement, because

it is not my intent to ensure she

was not properly briefed in advance,

that is not the way I operate, and I

will certainly make specific

enquiries after the statement and

revert to the honourable lady to

ensure she is kept properly informed

in the usual way in respect of this,

and I take seriously the point she

has raised to the House this

morning, and will pursue that to

ensure there can be no repetition in

respect of that. She makes a number

of points on the issues outstanding.

As I indicated to the House, I think

this is primarily about the assembly

and executive, and also around

issues of language, culture,

identity and respect. Those elements

that I think underline the

discussions we have had over many

weeks, that it is important it is

right, so there is the sense of

sustainability that the executive

can just get on with the job of

serving in Northern Ireland. I think

that is what politicians on all

sides are seeking to do to seek to

get this right, and it is ultimately

for the parties themselves to reach

that agreement. That is why we have

been working with them, recognising

the responsibilities we have is

government and the responsibilities

under the various agreements we

hold. But it is around getting the

parties themselves to find that

accommodation to find that agreement

that has not yet been found. It is

that an extent we're having to take,

and the announcement today is about

a budget, about a necessity to

ensure the finances of Northern

Ireland are on a sound footing, and

we will continue to support the

parties to find that agreement, but

knowing that this cannot continue

indefinitely, and she highlights the

election duty that I continue to be

under under legislation, and it is

something I have to keep under

review, knowing that is the only

factor I currently have is a power

in law, under the legislation that

continues to exist, but knowing that

I want to see the resolution and

agreement and that is the best

possible outcome.

My constituency

and catering find it appalling that

that threats of prosecution should

hang over Armed Forces veterans for

events which happened 40 or 50 years

ago, when at the same time known

terrorists have effectively been

told they will not be prosecuted for

the non-crimes. Will he make sure

that clauses are contained to stop

this witchhunt?

I pay clear tribute

to the incredible service, bravery

and sacrifice for those involved in

upholding the rule of law, and

ensuring we have political freedoms

and Northern Ireland we have today.

I hear the point firmly that he

makes about the concern over

witchhunts, about the way in which

the system operates. I want to move

forward with the consultation around

the Stormont House agreement, which

sets out new institutions, new

bodies, intended to be transparent,

fair and equitable, thereby ensuring

soldiers are not unfairly treated. I

believe that is the right way

forward, and I believe it will

provide everyone the opportunity to

contribute, to have their point of

view expressed, but ultimately I

believe they firmly mark the best

way forward.

Can I thank him for his

statement and consultations he has

had with us here as the process has

developed. It has been very good

contact and interaction with him,

office and government more

generally. It is worth reminding the

House how we have got to this point.

We had an agreed programme for

government with Sinn Fein in

December, as recently as December,

the DUP and Sinn Fein, and none of

the issues that have been raised by

Sinn Fein is critical preconditions

were raised by them in December. The

pull down the government, walked

out, and the unknown setting new

preconditions for the formation of

the government. Along with the

Ulster universe, SDLP and Alliance,

we would set the government up

tomorrow. Sinn Fein are blocking at.

Said the Secretary of State is

perfectly right to come to this

House as we have been urging to get

the budget set, and I would also say

that we cannot allow the drift to

continue. At some point in the near

future we will need to have

ministers, and if they are not

Northern Ireland Executive

ministers, which is what we want, it

would have to be ministers from

here, who will have to make

decisions because we cannot allow

the economy to drift and we cannot

allow Northern Ireland today. We

will work with him in this place to

ensure the good governance of

Northern Ireland continues, along

with a role for Northern politicians

in a consultative role back home at

Stormont. Let us get on with

removing the preconditions Sinn Fein

have set, you conditions that have

come forward since December, let us

get on with governing Northern

Ireland from Stormont, and if that

is not able to happen, we must get

on with the job in consultation with

politicians back home.

I certainly

support his message of the need for

Northern Ireland to get on with the

job, and also the need to see

devolved government restored. And he

makes a number of points about how

that can be done with his own party

very closely engaged in those

negotiations with Sinn Fein. The

work that has gone on, with efforts

that have been put in place, to see

that devolution is restored. I would

say again that that has to be the

focus. It has to be the optimum

outcome of seeing that locally

functioning collected assembly and

executive serving the people of

Northern Ireland, and I would

encourage him and his party to

continue the efforts they have done

over an extended period to find that

way forward to see what is that

space for agreement, to provide the

sense of stability for Northern

Ireland which we all want to see in

actually dealing with public

services, dealing with the economy,

seeing the drop scrolling. That is

the picture the public in Northern

Ireland want, that service for them

and seeing that positive movement,

so I would certainly underline to

him and others that we all must have

that resolute focus in our minds in

the week ahead, seeing this can be

achieved. -- the weeks ahead.

Can I

commend my right honourable friend

for his pragmatic, diplomatic and

calm approach to these negotiations

and also the Prime Minister for

placing trust in him to assist

getting this process underway. Can

he confirm that he will cease this

legislation immediately, the parties

agree on a... Spending decisions

must be taken in the best interests

of Northern Ireland.

I am grateful

to him for his point, and as I

indicated, should be possible for an

agreement to be reached that

wouldn't label and executive to be

in place quickly, I would not want

to bring forward the budget Bill.

But I said to him that they are

important steps we are having to

take. The end of November is a

crucial time that the civil service

have underlined to us that they need

that budget in place. Which is why I

am taking the steps I have outlined

today. It is not about the UK

Government setting where the

spending priorities should be, it

remains firmly with the Northern

Ireland civil service in the way

they have continued to do over

recent months, in getting one and

continuing with the job. It is not

about direct rule, or UK Government

ministers setting those individual

priorities, but it is important that

this issue is capable of being

resolved quickly, and that is

weirdly focus must lie.

Is one of

the last direct rule ministers,

could I say that however engaging it

is for those involved, it is not a

good form of government, and wish

him well in establishing the

assembly in Northern Ireland. But

could he indicate to me what

involvement there is with regard to

the extra money agreed between the

DUP and government, and whether that

is part of the government settlement

-- budget settlement, and if he is

to table questions after the budget

is agreed, would he answer or find

another mechanism of accountability?

I think that he and I acknowledge

his previous experience in the role

he had within Northern Ireland, and

his own personal presentation of the

challenges that brings, that this is

not an outcome we would want to see.

I say to him that in relation to the

budget, as we have made clear

throughout this process, the budget

Bill speaks to the main estimates

that have been put in place earlier

this year, that is the framework it

operates within. Obviously it is

open for this House to vote through

supplementary Estimates for further

money to be made available to

Northern Ireland during the course

of the financial year, it is about

votes in this House that matter. But

this government, we stand by our

commitment, and as a party we stand

by agreement that has been reached

with the Democratic Unionist Party,

and nothing I have said today

changes that.

I would like to place on record my

thanks to the Secretary of State and

his team are coming to the House

this morning, setting out the

position and being helpful in his

answers to questions. But the desert

-- benefits of my residence I wonder

if he could set up the extent to

which himself, his team, civil

servants and the Prime Minister have

undertaken work and commitments to

try and find a way through what is

quite clearly a very, very difficult

situation?

I'm grateful to my

honourable friend for I think

underlining the work that so many

people have put in, the hours, the

days that have gone in to supporting

the parties, the absolute commitment

that we as a government house in

wanting to see a positive outcome

and irresolution -- and a

resolution. It's about seeking to

provide solutions to providing work

for them to consider bridging the

gaps between them and we will

continue to do that because it

matters somewhat and as I have

indicated to the House, our

uppermost commitment to seeing

devolved government returned and

default government getting to the

job in hand, we will continue to do

so.

Sir Geoffrey Donaldson. Thank

you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I welcome

the statement made and we are

disappointed that we do not have a

devolved government in Northern

Ireland because it is impacting

every day on my constituents and I

would say to the honourable lady who

represents the SNP, we are quite

capable of reflecting what happens

in Northern Ireland, I've been a

member of Parliament for 20 years, I

think I have acquired a little

knowledge of how Northern Ireland

works and will bring that knowledge

to this hazard we have direct rule.

Can I say to the Secretary of State

the Armed Forces covenanters very

important to us, has been part of

this because the Asians and is part

of our agreement with the government

that it is fully committed in

Northern Ireland and there will be

no outcome that will not see that

Armed Forces covenant providing for

the servicemen and women and the

veterans and their families from

Northern Ireland who has served this

country. And we look to the

government to support us in securing

that outcome.

Well again, I pay

tribute to the incredible work of

our armed forces, what they do for

us every single day. And that is why

as a government we have underlined

our commitment to the military

covenant and wanting to see that

touch all parts of the United

Kingdom. I would say to the right

honourable gentleman that has for

example involved my attendance in

the course of the last week of a

cross ministerial group to assess

progress of ministers from across

Whitehall, coming together and we do

want to see the benefits, the

importance of the military covenant

felt in all parts of the United

Kingdom. Yes, recognising the

differences across the UK, the way

this is delivered, but nonetheless

recognising the significance of

that.

Alistair Carmichael. Can I

thank the Secretary of State for the

advanced notice of his statement, if

all minute might have been useful

but I understand the channels may

have been preoccupied with other

matters within government that can I

say to him, I remember the last time

we had direct rule from this place

and it was a thoroughly

unsatisfactory way of doing

business, both for the people of

Northern Ireland but also for the

procedures of this House and he is

right to do anything he can to avoid

that. Can he tell me, has he

considered the proposal that has

come from my noble friend Lord all

the guys that notwithstanding the

Executive, the Assembly itself could

be reconvened as a body to which

reference could be made and could be

consulted with by ministers here as

they go about the was Miss of what

they have to do?

I welcome the

comments of the right honourable

gentleman and what he says about

what needs to be the outcome from

this which I know he earnestly would

wish to see which is the same as me,

which is the restoration of that

inclusive functioning devolved

government. He points to other

scenarios and other solutions. I

think what I would say to him, I

think our focus must lie on how we

can get that agreement, that is

where the priority must be. I know

there are other points that have we

made about different ways in which

structural meat or constitutionally

Northern Ireland could operate but I

think it's important to offer

support to the parties at this time.

I will continue to reflect on a

range of points that have been made

to me. But at this time I think it's

important that we keep the focus

that we have but noting the points

that he has made and others have

made in recent weeks.

Thank you.

Does the Secretary of State

understand the frustration and

cynicism amongst people in Northern

Ireland by the word deadline, the

changing deadlines has mentored

doesn't mean anything. Isn't it time

when governments mean deadlines they

mean something but given nine months

of parties discussing and no change,

what is the magic wand that he

thinks in the next few weeks is

really going to make any difference

given that one party is quite happy

to go back into government right

away, and to the Assembly and

another is putting ridiculous

demands which were not there at the

beginning of the Assembly forming?

Well do you know what, Mr David is

bigger? I certainly do hear that

frustration. -- Mr Deputy Speaker?

That cynicism out in the public in

Northern Ireland, I know the

honourable lady will have heard that

too, wanting to see government

getting on with the job and serving

them. I do hear that aren't while I

know there is huge frustration I

think frustration, as I sense across

the House as well, but we are in

this position that we are. I said to

her that in essence, it's a question

of taking steps toward saying, you

will move straight towards direct

rule, I profoundly think that would

be not the right way to approach

this because ultimately it is about

seeking some space for the parties

to reach that accommodation and

agreement. Yes, this is difficult,

yes for all the time those involved

have spent around us, it is and it

has been hugely challenging to

bridge those gaps that are there. I

think that it still remains possible

but it is certainly difficult and we

will continue to keep a range of

options available to us as to how we

may support this progress -- process

moving forward, how we galvanise a

positive outcome that we all

earnestly want to achieve but

equally, I know the point that she

rightly makes to me is that just

just cannot continue on, I hear that

message very clearly from the House

and today and the need for Northern

Ireland to be able to make

decisions. But I think it is worth

all of us putting all of our efforts

in to see that we can get a positive

solution, to see that the parties

are able to find a space for it they

can work together and get on with

that job and I would certainly

encourage everyone with any

influence at all to get behind at

work.

First of all, Secretary of

State, can I thank you for your

statement and industrious energy and

commitment that you have given to

the talks process, we do appreciate

that. Northern Ireland community

groups funding for example, on start

and other charity groups need to

know they will receive funding and

is a matter of urgency. Who will

make this funding decisions as

Westminster cannot be expected to

micromanage and yet someone needs to

message the state of play across the

province? Similarly, Secretary of

State, the issue when it comes to

the funding that Northern Ireland

will be provided as a matter of

urgency in relation to

infrastructure and the NHS. The

projects are to receive most of

these and this funding is waiting

patiently, it's becoming

increasingly difficult, can I urge

you to Secretary of State to do

something in relation to finance

most quickly?

In respect of

financial decisions at the moment,

they will remain with the Northern

Ireland civil service and I take the

point that he makes about voluntary

and community sector organisations,

that is a point that I have raised

with the Northern Ireland civil

service on seeking to give as much

certainty, as much assurance as

possible, knowing just how important

those organisations are in

delivering services across Northern

Ireland. And I pay tribute to all of

those groups that do such an

incredible job. He also points to

issues over decisions on

infrastructure, there are obviously

other public sector reforms that we

would like to see take them forward.

It is for the Northern Ireland civil

service to do that work at this

point in time. Obviously we then

want to see devolved government if

that is possible, to move in and

take those decisions but obviously,

there will need to be further

personal reflection on next steps is

that simply isn't possible.

I am

currently the vice-chair of the

British and Irish Lions in three

Assembly and we met in Liverpool and

the Minister address that meeting at

many honourable unbowed honourable

members were there, a grouping

across islands and parties with very

different views, able to discuss and

debate things, very important to

have those forums continuing and the

forums as the result of the Good

Friday Agreement, they are critical

to decisions and conversations that

happen there. My experience of this

place is that people aren't aware of

the history, the politics and the

passions that arise in this House

and the statements in this House

have profound impact on the people

of these islands. We must keep those

other forums going. I've heard today

what we don't want, I'm afraid we

haven't heard a plan for how we get

from what we don't want to what we

do want and it is inexplicable, as

my front bench colleague says, the

Prime Minister has not been able to

make the very short journey, less

than an hour to Northern Ireland to

give confidence to the people of

Northern Ireland that this is one of

her highest priorities. I urged the

government again to encourage the

Prime Minister to take that.

The

honourable lady has made a think the

important points of the road of

bodies outside of this House and

equally the work of the British and

are Parliamentary Association and my

honourable friend recently attended

a session in Liverpool as I'm sure

she be aware of and I think it's

helpful to have those forums to be

able to debate and exchange views. I

picture be to all members of this

House who support that important

gauge went. She highlights the role

of the Prime Minister, the Prime

Minister has been very actively

engaged with this process, as being

kept closely informed as the steps

are taken and no one should be in

any doubt at all as to her close

interest and desire to see a

positive outcome to this process.

The honourable lady makes the point

about flying people in and things

like that, we will firmly keep all

options on the table. But our

judgements at this point in time is

that would not have made the

difference and therefore it is about

how we can construct a flea support

the two main parties to find a

resolution on those core issues

which we have done, alongside with

the support of the Irish government,

we will continue to support that

process but yes, we are considering

other interventions, other ways in

which we can constructively help and

obviously I will keep the House

informed as process proceeds in

relation to that but knowing that we

need to see resolution quickly in

the best interest of Northern

Ireland and I hear the point that

she makes but it is about getting

that optimum outcome and using

things in the most effective way,

people, interventions, and using the

work of the Prime Minister and the

Taoiseach the most effective way.

The House will know I've had

long-standing concerns about the

intimidation of the two child policy

and the red tours in Northern

Ireland, particularly where there is

no Assembly in storm to mitigate the

specific concerns against section

five of the criminal Law act which

sees third-party referrers such as

social workers, doctors, nurses,

midwives and women's aid workers

face prosecution for trying to

support women. Can he tell me what

specific discussions has he had with

the Northern Ireland Association of

social workers and can I urge him to

speak to his colleagues in the DWP

and use this as an influence to get

rid of the two child policy and the

red clause before women are harmed?

Can I say to the honourable lady I

think the characterisation that she

has given to the House is not quite

right, there is specific guidance

that has been given in respect of

this but perhaps, I can write to the

honourable lady because there are a

lot of issues, I know a Labour

sensitivity attached to this

disclosure, various other factors

and I will write to the honourable

lady with detail around us, knowing

the importance of this and knowing,

I know the colourful way in which

colleagues at the Department for

Work and Pensions have been looking

at this issue, working on this

locally to ensure these very

important issues are

Northern Ireland remains a deeply

divided society. It is all the more

disappointing that Sinn Fein have

decided to put their cultural agenda

as a barrier to government there.

Hundreds of thousands of people from

across all communities in Northern

Ireland are suffering most because

of the division. Will the secretary

of State permit to do all he can to

minimise the detriment to the

people, particularly with regard to

health, education and public

services.

I would say to the

honourable lady that the budget

spill brought forward will reflect

the priorities set by the Northern

Ireland civil service so these are

not the numbers I would set myself

on bringing forward the legislation.

As she will know the Northern

Ireland civil service itself has

reallocated a resource of additional

resources around £40 million. Some

of these pressures within the health

service and other services. I'm sure

she will have that opportunity when

we debate the bill to underline

those important elements, those

important factors and where some of

the pressures like the moment and

the need for reform and getting on

with the job.

Thank you, Mr Deputy

cap next back speaker. This is

disappointing now a budget has to be

set, can we know what time will be

devoted to that, I am concerned that

by default and more and more powers

are drifting to this house away from

northern Ireland, more emphasis

needs to be put on that mediation

there.

Can I amplify what I said in

respect of the last answer? The

budget lines, the numbers that will

go into the budget bill, this has be

approving them, effectively they

will provide the legal authority for

the budgets that the Northern

Ireland civil service has

effectively operated to so far.

Based on the priorities of the

outgoing administration. It should

not be seen as either me or the

government somehow deciding, you

want to put this budget line here, I

would take the recommendations

provided to me. It's important that

I make that clear on the floor of

the house, this should not be seen

as a step towards direct rule, it is

about implementing and giving

statutory authority while

acknowledging us, this is a serious

step, I do not want to be in this

position but have to be a certain

consequence of having that legal

authority in place by the end of the

month and I'm sure that house will

have the authority to debate the

bill when we return from recess.

May

I present the member further in

answer to my right honourable friend

the Minister for Bristol South --

the Member for Bristol South, she

says she has been to Belfast once.

And Cecilia 's point that over the

last 35 years every Prime Minister

has led from the front around

solutions concerning Northern

Ireland including installing

devolution. Can you set out in the

number of hours what her involvement

has been. No one in this House touts

her sincerity in trying to resolve

matters and restore devolution but

there is a point about the Prime

Minister leading on this, much a

dozen Brexit so can I urge you to

lead from the front on this issue.

I

say to the honourable gentleman, on

issues concerning Northern Ireland,

you should know that interventions

by the Prime Minister and the

Northern Irish leader in the past --

the Republic of Ireland Taoiseach in

the last have not always been

welcome. We seek to make the

difference in particular

interventions, and somehow things

will suddenly make the difference,

it is about the parties themselves

taking that leave, finding that

agreement, we will continue to do so

and we will keep all options and

reveal.

Lord Chancellor and

Secretary of State for Justice,

David Luddington.

Mr Deputy Speaker,

with permission Irish to make a

statement on sentencing and

government's response to the host

judgment. -- I wish to make a

statement. For years it has been a

feature of UK law that when someone

commits a crime serious enough to

receive a prison sentence they are

deemed to have broken their contract

with society to such an extent that

they should not have the right to

vote until they are ready to be back

in the community. This prohibition

is currently set out in the

representation of the people act

1983 as amended and the principle

behind this has been reaffirmed by

this has most recently in 2011.

Successive governments have

considered the implications of the

host judgment in 2005. Labour

coalition have taken the view that

they have not enacted any change to

legislation. Convicted offenders

detained in prison should not vote.

Certainly we do not show the

position taken by the Leader of the

Opposition that all presidents

should be enfranchised, regardless

of the length of sentence or the

gravity of the crime. The United

Kingdom, Mr Deputy Speaker, has a

proud constitutional tradition and

it is clearly right that we uphold

our obligations. But the British

government expects us to do that in

our overweight, consistent with

British values of rights and

responsibilities. In December 2016,

the government gave a formal and

public commitment to ministers of

the Council of Europe, the body

representing its members that we

would comment on the meeting month,

provide proposals to address the

host judgment. Since then, the

government has considered this issue

carefully. We have decided to oppose

administrative changes to address

the points raised in the 2005

judgment while maintaining the bar

that prisoners in judicial custody

should not vote. We will work first

with the judiciary to make it clear

to criminals when they are

sentenced, and when they are in

prison this means they will lose the

right to vote. This addresses a

specific concern of the Hirst

judgment that there was not enough

clarity in confirming to offenders

but they cannot vote in prison.

Secondly we will amend guidance to

address an anomaly in the current

system, where offenders released

back into the community on licence

using an electronic tag under the

home detention review scheme can

vote under the present arrangements

but both in the community -- those

in the community on temporary

licence cannot vote. Release on

temporary licence is to typically

used to allow offenders to commute

from prison to employment in the

community and so prepare themselves

for their return to society. We

believe that reinstating the civic

right of voting on this point is

consistent with that approach.

Release on temporary licence is not

an automatic entitlement and every

case is subject to rigorous risk

assessment. These measures am

announcing today do not involve any

changes in those criteria for

temporary release. And no offenders

will be granted release in order to

vote. We expect this change to

temporary licence arrangements to

affect about 100 offenders at any

one time. And none of them will be

able to vote from prison or to

register the prison is the home

address. A prisoner would have to

have satisfied the conditions for

registration at a genuine home

address. This measure will require

no changes to the representation of

the people act 1983 but instead will

entail a change to preserve his

guidance. Our relationship with the

Council of Europe is a reserved

matter the settlement is that we

will certainly work with the three

dissolved administrations on this

issue. In particular we shall work

hard and with the relevant

administrations to reflect the

differences in law and practice in

Scotland and Northern Ireland

respectively. And we have informed

the devolved administrations on this

matter across the UK. We believe

that these changes do address the

points raised in the 2005 judgment

and do so in a way that respects the

clear direction of successive

parliaments and the strong views of

the British public. I commend this

statement to the House.

Thank you,

Mr Deputy Speaker. I welcome the

opportunity to discuss this matter

today, I would like to thank the

Secretary of State for sharing his

statement in the last hour. This is

a matter that has been given greater

prominence over the past decade due

to rulings that found that the UK

was in breach of its international

human rights obligations. As the

house is a web prisoners serving

custodial sentence to not have the

right to vote in any elections. As

the Secretary of State has said this

blanket ban is set out in the

representation of the people act

1983. Since 2005 the blanket ban has

been ruled unlawful by the Court of

Human Rights as mentioned in the

Hirst case. There have been

subsequent rulings since that 2005

decision that have offered further

clarity as what is required by law.

The 2015 ruling of the Court of

Justice depriving certain prisoners

convicted for serious crimes such as

murder of the right to vote was not

an unlawful breach of the right of

EU citizens. Likewise the UK Supreme

Court has dismissed appeals that

prisoners serving life sentences for

murder should be able to vote. Most

would feel about was very sensible.

The question remains how do we meet

our obligations in terms of the

ruling against a blanket ban. This

House has grappled with the issue

since 2005. Following the Hirst

judgment in 2005 the Labour

government began a consultation on

the question of prisoner voting. The

Ministry of Justice published a

consultation paper in 2009

indicating that some limited

enfranchisement of prisoners ought

to occur but made it clear that a

final decision on the scope the

franchise must be made by Parliament

itself and it was shortly after the

2010 general election that the

Conservative- Liberal Democrat

coalition announced that offenders

sentenced to less than four is in

custody would have the right to vote

in Westminster Parliament elections

and European parliamentary elections

except when the judge considered

this inappropriate when making the

sentence. It was soon after coming

2011 at the political and

constitutional reform committee

published a report stating that

while the current ban on prisoner

voting may be morally justifiable,

it was a breach of international

law. Mr Speaker, as a nation, we

pride ourselves on adherence to the

rule of law. I believe we also take

pride in being a nation that abides

by our commitments. Our respect for

the rule of law is something that

has led to our legal system being so

well regarded around the world that

our legal services are exported

internationally and contribute

vastly to the UK economy. So today

is an opportunity to discuss exactly

how we will meet our commitments

following the 2005 ruling. Mr

Speaker I hope the slowness this

government has shown in responding

to this issue does not set a

precedent for taking over a decade

to address our international

obligations to uphold human rights,

I think we should be clear that if

we are signed up to the

International Convention of human

rights we are bound by its judgment

and bound by those human rights

laws. And what this debate should be

about is not whether we should meet

our duties, that is non-negotiable

and it is disappointing that some

members have suggested that we

ignore human rights law, this debate

is about how we meet our duties and

requirements. And specifically

today's discussion is whether the

proposals from the government today

do meet that threshold and satisfy

our obligations to uphold human

rights. Members say of course they

do, but we need reassurance on this

matter because the Secretary of

State has said that prisoners less

sentenced to less than one year in

jail allowed out on day release will

be allowed out to vote. I think we

need to know what discussions and

what assurances the Minister, the

Secretary of State has had with

lawyers to ensure that this proposal

today does bring us in line with

human rights. Because the last thing

that this House once as a Secretary

of State having to come back at some

stage in the future and explain that

sadly, this hasn't satisfied the

test and isn't fulfilling our

international obligations and our

commitments. I'm sure the government

doesn't want that and we certainly

don't want it either. Finally Mr

Speaker manners of this House

including this week have pointed out

that this is part of rehabilitation

of the people and I would finally

like to use this opportunity to

express my disappointment that the

statutory duty on prisons to

rehabilitate offenders and thus

reduce the number of victims and

keep society safer was dropped and

hopefully this will be looked at

again in due course.

Mr Speaker I think I rather gathered

during that response of the

opposition spokesman wasn't offering

any specific criticisms about the

proposals outlined today.

I can give

him very clear assurance that we

have taken the best advice possible,

we believe this set of proposals

does comply with our international

legal obligations following the

first judgement. Obviously this set

of proposals will have to be

considered by the committee of

ministers at its forthcoming

meeting. I mean, I have to say to

the honourable gentleman, it's a bit

rich for him to chide me about the

pace at which this matter has been

addressed. He himself said in his

response that it took the Labour

government under whose watch the

Hearst case after all was heard and

decided, four years to get round to

publishing the answers to their own

consultation paper. And I haven't

heard, you know, the years I have

served in this place, Labour Home

Secretary is Justice Secretary is

exactly rushing forward to the

dispatch box to announce they have

the answer, I hope that there will

be a broad agreement across the

parties to support the general

approach that I have outlined and I

certainly I would say that the call

of human rights has on more than one

occasion made it clear that

regardless of specific circumstances

of the Hearst judgement, there is no

requirement to in franchise all

prisoners and I hope that message

will have been conveyed by now to

the Leader of the Opposition and

indeed many, many members of the

Council of Europe, established,

mature democracies like our own,

maintain a strict bar against a

serious offenders from voting.

Robert Neill.

Thank you very much.

Can I start by congratulating the

Secretary of State for having

grasped the nettle that none of his

predecessors have done and he

deserves congratulations and a warm

round of applause for it. Will he

confirm to me that in achieving this

we put ourselves into must exactly

the same position as every other

mature democracy in western Europe

and indeed pretty much the same

position as 40 out of the 50 odd

states in the United States of

America work they do not feel the

need for a blanket and of the kind

characterised in the Hearst

judgement?

I am grateful to my

honourable friend for his comments

and I can confirm the point that he

made to the House.

Thank you Mr

Deputy Speaker, I would like to

thank the Secretary of State for his

statement and for writing to my

colleague the Scottish Government

Cabinet Secretary bridge justice

this is a difficult issue and I

welcome the fact that the UK

Government are taking steps to

respect the ruling of the European

Court of Human Rights. Many people

across the UK at first disagreed

with that decision but I think we

heard some quite eloquent

explanation is justice questions

earlier this week as to why it is

appropriate for the government to

grasp the nettle. In Scotland, the

Scottish Parliament's equality

committee is currently looking at

this very issue and taking evidence

and looking at practical points

about whether devolved powers could

be used to address this issue in

relation to the franchise for a

Scottish Parliament is and the

Scottish Government will respond to

that in due course. Will the

Minister, the Secretary of State

confirm that the UK have it will

work with the Scottish Government

going forward on this issue to reach

this would have cross-party

agreement required for this sort of

reform?

Iamb very concerned indeed

that both my officials and my

ministers and myself should work

very closely with Michael Matheson

the Scottish Justice Minister and

his colleagues and officials in

Edinburgh. I am very well aware in

my current responsibilities, of the

importance of recognising the

Scottish legal system, legal

tradition is distinct from that of

England and Wales and we need to

mature we have a policy that works

as effectively in Scotland as a DOS

and the rest of the UK.

Can I add my

congratulations to my right

honourable friend who after many

years has arrived at what I think is

an elegant and sensible solution. He

will be aware in the Council of

Europe it caused great consternation

that the UK was unable to comply

with these judgements and it led to

talk even of the UK leading the

Council of Europe chapter all we

were a founding member of by the

Treaty of London. Can he confirm

that we leave the company of the

countries of Armenia, Bulgaria,

Estonia, Georgia, Hungary and Russia

that remained the only countries in

the Council of Europe is still have

a blanket and?

Well I probably would

not be wise of me to comment in

detail about the systems and

operations in each of those

countries but what I can confirm and

also thank my right arm for friend

that we are going to be standing in

the company of the great majority of

established mocker sees in Europe.

As one of 22 members who voted

against the blanket ban in 2011,

this small step forward is mildly

welcomed but with the right

honourable gentleman accept that

it's a missed opportunity, better to

sentencing objectives for the ride

of a prisoner to vote or not to vote

and in particular as he said in his

statement a moment ago, reinstating

the civic right of voting is

consistent with the rehabilitative

approach for rehabilitation is

identified as a sentence as a

specific sentencing objectives,

should that person not have

discretion to consider whether the

individual has a right to vote? I

understand the printable position in

which the honourable lady approaches

this, I do think it's right there

should be consistency set by the

government and Parliament through

the appropriate registration,

representation of the people act in

how we approach these matters. And I

think that what the government is

proposing today does provide both

clarity and consistency and enables

us to go forward in a way that

respects the strong views expressed

in this House and amongst the wider

British public whilst at the same

time respecting our international

legal obligations.

Thank you Mr

Deputy Speaker. May I welcome the

statement on the approach taken by

my right honourable friend in

resolving this matter? As he will be

aware it's one of those Robin Eames

that has bedevilled many law

officers of the Crown in the past

and I have no doubt his right

honourable friend the Attorney

General will be breathing a sigh of

relief if this matter can be

resolved along the lines that he

suggests. Does he agree with me that

it is really of immense importance

for this country to be seen to be a

leader in human rights? Something

for which we have a great deal of

international respect and for which

we have a proven track record of

improving human rights, not only on

the European continent but further

afield? And that sending out a clear

signal of our willingness to try to

adhere to an international legal

obligation is of the utmost

importance and may I also just say

this? Should it be necessary to come

back to this House because what he

has done proves in some way not to

quite meet matters, I hope it won't

be necessary, it ought to be part of

a wider debate about how we

rehabilitate prisoners and one on

which actually when one removes the

issue of our international, legal

obligations, does merit debate and I

think you might well find that if he

were to ask the House for its

opinion on that, it might not be the

same opinion as has been expressed

in the past.

I am very grateful to

my right honourable and Bernard Fred

for his support. Cars right

honourable and learn and friend. I

share his commitment to doing all

that we can to make sure our prisons

are effective agents of

rehabilitation because effective

rehabilitation that then reduces the

cycle of reoffending is something

that we be in the interests of the

safety, security of everybody living

in this country. Secondly I believe

that my right honourable and learned

friend is right when he speaks about

the importance of respecting

international obligations. We do and

we rightly talk about British

values, we seek in our various

expressions of policy, to embody and

represent those values and amongst

those values are respect for the

rule of law and for a rules -based

international order and it is

certainly harder to urge respect for

those principles in others if we are

not clear about doing so ourselves.

So I think for those reasons the

package that I have announced today

represents a clear and also I hope,

effective way forward.

Liz McInnis.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

This government has introduced a

system of Universal Credit on the

basis of myrrh the world of work so

why can't we considered the same

logic and say prisoners are prepared

for life outside prison by

maintaining her civic right by

maintaining their right to a vote?

I

am not sure whether the honourable

lady was urging that all prisoners

should be enfranchised regardless of

the seriousness of the crime or the

length of sentence but I think that

was the indication of what she said.

What I've announced today does

relate to the enfranchisement and in

effective rehabilitation and I would

disagree with her but we should

depart from the principle that

people, irrespective, people who are

sentenced to prison and if you are

sentenced to custody that means the

Court must have considered every

alternative penalty and decided that

the crime had been so serious that

no other punishment would suffice,

if you find yourself as a prisoner

in those circumstances I think it is

reasonable to say and for the

prisoner to be told clearly, they

have forfeited the right to vote as

a consequence.

Victoria Prentice.

Madam Deputy Speaker I conducted the

Hearst litigation on behalf of the

government in the domestic courts

and I remember only too well that

governments of both colours have

found there is a very difficult area

to do with for many years. So I add

my congratulations to those and the

chairman of my Select Committee and

two others in the south that they

find a solution which is not only

elegant but sensible. I would

however as the Lord Chancellor to

reassure people outside this House

but serving prisoners, such as Mr

Hirst will not in fact be covered by

these new rules and would not be

able to vote.

I am grateful to my

honourable friend for her support. I

think that it would be unlikely in

the extreme, first of all for

somebody who is serving a long-term

prison sentence and had a record of

violence and posing a risk to public

health to qualify for release on

relicensing the first place and

also, for anybody serving a long

sentence, in practical terms, to be

able to demonstrate that they had a

continuing home residents of Obama

out of a prison and they would not

be allowed to register at the

prison.

Emma Little Pengelly. I

thank the Secretary of State for

your statement, in relation to this

issue it will impact in Northern

Ireland, can I ask the Secretary of

State what intentions he has two

consult in Northern Ireland and

given the unfortunate ongoing

situation of no government in

Northern Ireland, how will he find

is all and to ensure full

consultation can happen?

I am

grateful to the honourable lady and

I realise both the sensitivity of

this issue given the history of

Northern Ireland and the problematic

political circumstances in which

Northern Ireland finds itself. We

have notified officials in the

Justice Department of our intentions

and we will continue very closely

consultation and collaboration with

them on the way forward so we are

confident we are addressing the

particular administrative and legal

circumstances of Northern Ireland

and I'm happy to give an undertaking

to consult also the honourable

lady's party and the other leading

political parties in Northern

Ireland so that we are able to take

their views into account.

As they put Crow call were we to

restore penal servitude with hard

Labour they would be plenty of votes

about.

Secretary of State. I think

that takes me onto wider territory

then the subject of the debate, I

thought my honourable friend was

about to suggest transportation and

I think the territories are no

longer available!

I was one of those

in 2011 voted against a blanket ban

and I haven't changed my views. This

is a very tiny concession by the

government, the bare minimum it

could get away with. I believe that

when you imprison someone you

deprive them of their liberty, not

of their rights. Why does the

Minister feel so threatened by that.

The active depriving someone of

their liberty, I would have thought

that deprive them of some vital

civic rights. What we are doing

today I think is a sensible,

constructive way forward, that we

believe complies with the

requirements and us under law, but

we are doing so in a way that

respects the view repeatedly come to

buy this house. Philip Davies.

Thank

you. Giving the vote to any

prisoners, think, is idiotic,

unjustifiable and about as popular

with the public as finding a

rattlesnake in a lucky dip. As the

Secretary of State has made so

plain, he must know that the human

rights went way beyond conventional

and he made this rule is perhaps you

might want to remind them of their

obligations under the rule of law,

it seems that he's put in the

rulings of unelected, unaccountable

pseudo- judges, many of whom Hall

are not proper judges in their own

country, above the views of the

British public and the British

Parliament is a witty and least of

the courtesy to bring this code to

this house to make sure that what he

proposes as the consent of the

British Parliament.

Madam Deputy

Speaker we are not proposing any

change in the British law. Any

commitment to stay within the

European Convention on human rights

which includes the jurisdiction of

the Court of Human Rights was in the

party manifesto on which both my

honourable friend the Member for

Shipley and I stood earlier this

year. Where I do actually find

myself in agreement with him is that

it is important to look for ways in

which to respect and enlarge the

margin of appreciation that is

allowed to individual member states

in interpreting the duties under the

convention, in the light of

constitutional and legal traditions.

We made a significant step forward

when the United Kingdom held the

chair of the Council of Europe and

the declaration which was negotiated

by my right honourable and learn and

friend the Member for Rushcliffe,

and in taking the Brighton

declaration Ford and seeking to

implement protocol 15 I hope we can

count on the support of my

honourable friend. Thank you, Madam

Deputy Speaker, I unreservedly

welcomed the decision that has been

made and it complies with our

obligations to the ECA chart, and

why we're on the subject, I would

like to confirm that we win most of

the cases we take to those chosen by

wonder if he would consider doing a

more detailed review for the members

of the council who are also members

of this chamber because it would be

useful to have that when we got back

to Strasberg. Secretary of State.

I'm grateful to my honourable friend

for his support and happy to offer

the briefing he requests for members

of the delegation from this

Parliament to the members of the

assembly for Europe. He is writing

what says about cases brought

against the United Kingdom. Many

cases don't even get to a judgment,

they are rejected by the court as

inadmissible. That tiny minority of

cases but offend against us, we have

a good track record.

David Cameron

said it made him feel physically

sick to think about giving prisoners

the right to vote and many of us

feel the same nausea and many of our

constituents as well. I congratulate

the Lord Chancellor on overcoming

his nausea. He makes great play in

the statement, he says, while they

are impression, that means he will

lose the right to vote. If their

temporary licence, polling day, does

not fall on a day when they are at a

prison presumably they will have the

right to request a postal vote,

registered at the address outside

the prison but it could be delivered

to them in prison. Will the Lord

Chancellor make sure that cannot

happen?

We will obviously, as we

work with the detail of this, ensure

we have safeguards against any part

of electoral fraud but like people

on home detention curfew, and the

current arrangements, the franchise

would exist on polling day on the

assumption that people were out on

polling day. We will certainly be

working through the detail,

following what I hope will be a