07/05/2013 Spotlight

Margaret Thatcher was a deeply divisive figure. The very funeral

prompted controversy with a towel over its cost and the suspension of

Parliament to allow MPs and peers to attend. And in Republican areas of

Northern Ireland, the unbridled hatred was obvious. Maggie's dead.

Her death conjured up feelings from more than three decades ago.

Republicans blame an uncompromising Margaret Thatcher for the deaths of

ten prisoners on hunger strike. For them, she was and is a figure of

hate. I viewed Margaret Thatcher as a detestable character. Her whole

persona and Outlook towards the hunger strikers. Unionists turned on

her too. Burning her effigy in response to an agreement which gave

Dublin a role in Northern Ireland's affairs. The unionist people of

northern Ireland, felt totally betrayed by Margaret Thatcher.

hand this woman, Margaret Thatcher, over to the devil. Oh God, take

action upon this wicked creature. Over the years many have reconcile

their differences for the four Unionists, it was something that

goes to the core of the identity of who they are. Despite the

Anglo-Irish Agreement, Margaret Thatcher was a leader Unionists

could identify with, proudly British and not afraid to stand up for her

country. So why does she so bitterly divide opinion today? Delving into

her rarely seen private papers, we uncover fresh insights into the

so-called iron Lady. Now that she is dead, what is her legacy in Northern

Ireland? Nobody knew about the explosion. Margaret Thatcher on the

campaign trail in 1979. She was informed about a bomb attack. A rare

glimpse of Margaret Thatcher and guarded and shaken. This was the

moment when the turbulent and bloody relationship between Margaret

Thatcher and Northern Ireland began. The INLA bomb had killed her

political friend and adviser Airey Neave. A British war hero who

masterminded her rise to the top. Those of us who believe in the

things Airey Neave fought for will see however use argument that

continue to live on in this country. His murder would hang

darkly over the next 11 years of her time in office. Cambridge, it is to

this university that Margaret Thatcher bequeathed her personal

archive. I have been invited in to see for myself this extraordinary

collection. Now revealing the secrets of some of the most

controversial moment of our recent history. Andrew Daly is the man who

looks after the Thatcher papers. first thing is just the huge scale

of paperwork, a huge archive of well over 1 million individual documents.

By faith alone it would have a huge importance. The elements of her

annotation and the element of things that were private of her rated as

highly as any collection in the UK. Inside this collection are official

government notes and letters. More of which are released each year. Bit

by bit this political and historical treasure is revealing more about the

real Mrs Thatcher. Including fresh insights on her thinking of Northern

Ireland. And especially striking what the continuing influence of the

Airey Neave, long after his murder. Writing to Jim Callaghan just days

after the death of Airey Neave, she vowed that the murder would not

change her party 's stance on Northern Ireland vote up she also

revealed that Airey Neave completed the Eilish section of the

Conservative manifesto hours before his death and she was sticking to

it. Mrs Thatcher 's papers are littered with reference to Airey

Neave. It is clear what his views -- the effect his views had on her.

This is a personal letter to Margaret Thatcher in April 1979

expressing sympathy upon the death of Airey Neave. What is interesting

is that it says at a time before either had been made prime minister

that he hopes no British government will either have any truck with

these people as has happened in the past. He is urging Mrs Thatcher not

to talk to terrorists. We brought a copy of this letter and other papers

from the archive back to Belfast. The letter is considered highly

significant because it appears to mark the beginning of a hugely

important personal relationship between her and Fitzgerald. It would

have a later impact an Anglo-Irish relations. I think it is one of the

most insightful letters we have come across dealing with this whole

period of Thatcher and Ireland. Here he has put into Thatcher the prime

minister designate. She will have to help someone like him who will no

doubt become a display minister in the future to solve this problem.

While Mrs Thatcher 's private views were open to some, in Northern

Ireland itself, people waited to find out what her approach would be.

At that time there was a sense of excitement. People were still

looking at it with some sense of curiosity for that I do not think

anybody fully realise the extent to which she was expressing the very

right-wing views of her party in many instances. Her Majesty the

Queen has asked me to form the new administration. At that time we

thought it was time for a strong prime minister. She was determined

not to let the IRA win and that was reassuring for Unionists. An early

test of this result came in August 1979 when the IRA killed soldiers in

County Down. She was furious that the bombers were able to detonate

the bomb is from the south of the border with the Army could not

pursue them. Within 48 hours, Margaret Thatcher was in Belfast,

her first visit as prime minister. Please stand still. Mrs Thatcher's

and trenchant no surrender unionism -- UNIX powered by then was it a

step unionist. We concede the background influence of the

conservative right wing. Ian Gow kept her in touch with these rather

anti-Irish views and refusal of cooperation with the Republic of

Ireland. Time and time again they tried to put their view to Margaret

Thatcher by saying it is what Airey Neave would have done. He is

informing the debate. On the day of her funeral, a small celebration was

organised in Belfast by local Republicans. Here the former pro

minister is reviled. May she roast in hell for what she has done.

the gathering is Jared Hodgkins, he was a hunger striker. It is a

significant day it marks the final passing of our number one opponent

during the hunger strike. It is important to mark the passing of a

tyrant. In 1981, Bobby Sands made five demands including the right to

wear non-prison uniform. And essentially, to be treated as a

political prisoner. Margaret Thatcher refused to negotiate and

Bobby Sands and nine others died. Republicans aim -- blame her for the

deaths. We will not compromise on this. There will be no political

status. But in recent years this image of the unwavering Thatcher has

been called into question by the emergence of startling information,

proof of a secret back channel between the IRA and the highest

levels of government. A means by which the two sides could pass

messages, effectively talking to each other. Here is the proof.

Documents detailing this secret channel and one government paper

apparently willing to consent to three of the hunger striker --

hunger strikers demands. But what is most astonishing about it is that it

was amended in Margaret Thatcher 's own hand. She had provisos to the

British offer. It is evident that she was sitting at the British end

of the back channel. In effect secretly in getting with Republicans

represented by Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness. This man says the

handwritten amendments have real significance. She had built up an

international reputation by sticking to her arguments, none more so than

not talking to terrorists. Margaret Thatcher has significantly edited

some of these documents and Gerry Adams is at the other end up these

lines. They refer to private exchanges with the Prime Minister.

Some claim that confidential papers show that Mrs Thatcher was more

flexible than she portrayed herself. Others believe that there

was in intransigence on both sides. I don't think you can say it was

either side. I think Mrs Thatcher could have refrained from making it

a head-on issue and leaving herself now room to move and I think the

Republicans take advantage of that. But I don't think you can blame one

side over the other. The political aftermath of the hunger strikes was

the rise and rise of Sinn Fein as an electoral force. The man who had to

deal with this on behalf of Margaret Thatcher was Jim Prior. Sent to

Northern Ireland shortly before the end of the hunger strikes. It had

been seven years since there had been any significant attempt at a

political resolution. The failed to show work back -- the field

power-sharing agreement. That brought them into conflict with

Thatcher's hardliners. Enoch Powell said to me, whatever you do do not

use the word reconciliation. I said to him, surely reconciliation is

what one has to try to aim to achieve in Northern Ireland

otherwise there will never be peace. I knew perfectly well what he meant.

He meant that reconciliation, in the eyes of the Unionists, meant a

greater agree opportunity between the north and the South. West Ham

and Ian Gow -- with him and Ian Gow constantly speaking in Margaret

notes to the Prime Minister opposing prior's devolution plans. Anyone, he

invoked the ghost of Airey Neave in desperation, he wrote, I cannot

forget Airey Neave. She did listen to Ian Gow. This was one of the

problems. I didn't think he would bring Airey Neave into it as much as

he did. I do not think that was very eyes but in other respects one has

to respect that he was a very powerful advocate. But this man

believes it reflects a major change in policy. I think we can see in

something like the cri de coeur of Ian Gow, that is recognising that

Northern Ireland is different. She doesn't have any great initiative

that Prior's initiative will succeed. Opposed by many Unionists,

directed by nationalists, Prior's plan for devolution fizzled out. But

Margaret Thatcher's next major step took almost everyone by surprise. In

November 1985, Britain and Ireland signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

The Irish state agreed new cross-border security arrangements

to defend against the IRA. And the British gave the Irish a role in

some of Northern Ireland 's internal affairs. Ladies and gentlemen, Dr

Fitzgerald and I have today signed a solemn agreement. It was the end of

three years of intense negotiation and shocked unionism. Some of my

children were sitting on the carpet looking at gas and horrified at the

television screen and I knew something was wrong. They told me,

we have got to get out of Northern Ireland. I ask them what they meant

and they said that Mrs Thatcher had been to Hillsborough and she had

sold us down the river to Garret FitzGerald in Dublin. Both sides

felt what they had agreed, albeit nervously, was historic. Margaret

Thatcher made an opening speech and then Garret made an opening speech

and he started off in daylight. That sent a slight chill round the room

because we didn't know what was actually being said. But the moment

of tension in the room was to prove the least of the government's

worries. We say never, never, never, never! Such was the sense of

rage that unionism rejected Margaret Thatcher. Tom King had to run the

gauntlet. That was my concern when I arrived. That it had been negotiated

in secret. The Unionist politicians weren't involved in the British

side. Seemingly out of the blue, Margaret Thatcher had switched from

the position of no Irish involvement in Northern Ireland is to

Anglo-Irish Agreement. The lady was for turning but why? He was really

crestfallen, Enoch Powell, he was feeling very down about what had

happened. He had put a lot of store by Margaret Thatcher's determination

not to give in. He had talked before about the fact that Airey Neave's

tragic death, and that there were other tragic influences being

brought to bear. Civil servants in Whitehall simply wanted to be read

of the Northern Ireland problem at any cost to the union. But those

close to talks say that Cabinet members slowly convinced that a

political solution with Southern Irish involvement was the way to go.

There were a lot of people around Mrs Thatcher who knew Garret well

and had known him for a long time. People like Geoffrey Howe. People

like Jim Prior. Six years previously, Garret FitzGerald had

written that personal letter to Margaret Thatcher, telling her that

it fell to their generation to resolve the Irish problem. The

agreement marked the final political breach with her political friend and

ally, Ian Gow. She disappeared up to her private room to speak to Ian Gow

and he announced he would retire from government. She hadn't

anticipated he would feel so strongly about it. That was the

first sign of strong reactions to come. Despite the intensity of the

Unionist's backlash... The remainder of Premiership was played out

against Langston from all sides. That is the anger that injuries.

best way to describe it was that Margaret Thatcher was a military

leader. She may have been the Prime Minister of Britain but she had a

military approach. She was not up for negotiation, resolution, she was

trying to crush republicanism rather than deal with the conflict.

Thatcher was the IRA's number one target. The IRA bombed the Grand

Hotel in Brighton where a number of conservatives were staying. You feel

about these atrocities but you do not expect them to happen to you.

But life must go on as usual. Life will go on. The conference will go

with her. It was fantastic. He would have thought that nothing had

happened the night before. In later years, she would have admitted to

being terrified every time she was in public and yet her rip

determination to face down the IRA didn't waver.

She agreed to attend a memorial service when asked by Tom King.

There was an almost audible gasp when we drove into the square and

people realised that Margaret Thatcher had come. It was a very

moving moment. Were you disappointed at the time that the IRA weren't

able to kill her? You've got to watch what questions you are asking.

She was killing her own citizens. Would you ask a British soldier or

Margaret Thatcher when she was alive if she was disappointed when an IRA

volunteer did? I don't think so. It was a war. She was a protagonist in

the war and she became a target. Margaret Thatcher fought back with

equal determination. Reacting to a series of IRA attacks, she

considered selective internment but decided to roll back from this and

instead, in 1988, banned Sinn Fein voices from broadcast. If everybody

tomorrow voted for Sinn Fein, it wouldn't make a blind bit of

difference to the Irish government. She thought she could cut off the

oxygen. She was wrong. The violence continued. In July 1990, Ian Gow,

thatcher's one-time close confident was killed by an IRA car bomb. Just

four months after Ian Gow's murder, she left Downing Street for the last

time. I don't think she had the type of understanding of the nuances of

the feelings of people, of the attitudes that existed in Northern

Ireland. I don't think she ever understood those. I don't think she

understood Ireland. I think at times she still thought that there are

public of Ireland was a colony and was tempted to treat it as such. --

the Republic of Ireland. Luckily, there were people within her party

and the government who don't understand. I think the harsher

critics will say that she didn't really have much influence in terms

of a legacy for peace in Northern Ireland. I'm not sure that is the

case. As much as I despise the Anglo-Irish Agreement and Dublin

being given a say in our internal affairs, it was a shock to the union

system. We were going to have to find a new way forward that gave us

the control over our own destiny. will be largely left to political

historians to make the final assessment of thatcher's legacy and

Ireland. What ever her qualms about the Anglo-Irish Agreement, as a

essential prerequisite to the good fight -- Good Friday Agreement, it

was of major importance. Others would build on her foundations and

the Unionists reviled horror -- her in 1985. The two governments would

become the honest brokers of an evolving peace process which would

give us the institutions people in Northern Ireland enjoyed today.

Republicans and many nationalists, Margaret Thatcher was a modern

witch. A person they regarded as a criminal, their most detested enemy.

And yet the irony of her legacy as the most read, white and blue of