06/04/2017 The View


06/04/2017

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Tactics and tough talk - the Secretary of State warns

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the health service here will be in danger if devolution isn't

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restored, while Sinn Fein hits back saying he has a "brass neck".

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Tonight on The View - with new deadlines looming

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and Easter round the corner, where are the negotiations?

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With Sinn Fein saying little progress has been made,

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what consequences of the deadlock are now starting to be felt?

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I'll be asking our Political Editor, Mark Devenport, for his take

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on events, and hearing from the health and business sectors

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Also tonight, cultural identity has been a disputed

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issue in Northern Ireland since the creation of the state,

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but we're not the only place where language can pose problems.

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I be reporting from Cardiff. Could measures in place here for the Welsh

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language assist those who want to see an Irish act?

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Plus, meet the Sinn Fein MLA whose sweet tooth drives him nuts.

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It's like East Germany and West Germany, but that's where I have to

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go to get my Snickers! And the fearless pair

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in Commentators' Corner are Fionnuala O Connor

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and Alex Kane. So, four days into a new round of

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talks to save the Stormont institutions, it appears the chances

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of a deal look as far away as ever. Tonight Michelle O'Neill told

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a public meeting in Londonderry the next week is critical,

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and there's been little Her comments come after

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the Secretary of State suggested the health service is just one

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of the public services that could But the remarks drew

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a scathing response from Sinn Fein's

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Mairtin O Muilleoir. I'm here at a hospital underlining

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of the public services that are looking for certainty, looking for

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an executive being in place to be able to make decisions. Whilst, yes,

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we've got the money continuing to flow through, we've got public

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services that are looking for political certainty on

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decision-making. The last time I saw James

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Brokenshire up close, I was sure he had a brass neck. Because the Main

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pressure on our public services is the austerity agenda of the Tory

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government. He has removed 10% from our budgets over the period of the

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last assembly, and he anticipates and predicts and intends to impose

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another 10% decrease. The issue of public services, particularly the

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health service, and this is true of the Tories and the austerity agenda

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in Britain, is not enough money is being provided.

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Our Political Editor, Mark Devenport, is with me now.

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We saw the Secretary of State at Antrim Area Hospital - a pretty

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transparent tactic. Mairtin O Muilleoir says he has a brass neck.

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It was maybe a little bit heavy-handed, but obviously there

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are starting to be some real-world consequences in relation to the

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Stormont crisis. We've yet to see how it may pan out in terms of

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health we have certainly seen complaints of budgets being cut by

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the education authority in pre-emptive action of what is going

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to be missing if they get a reduced budget. We've also heard about a

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housing executive budget relying on supporting people, which is

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important for people such as victims of domestic violence. That has also

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taken a 5% cut apparently equivalent to ?3 million. The Rockies

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consequences, but the question is -- so there are these consequences, but

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the question is would produce results? I'm told that in the talks

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ruined the main parties still have horns locked in a couple of

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essential point is, whether it be the Irish language or legacy, and

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there have been very little sign of movement. Then we had a significant

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contribution from Michelle O'Neill in Derry tonight. What did you make

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of what she's had to say? It's similar to what she was saying in

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the great Hall of Stormont during the week when she said very little

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progress had been made. She was essentially warning the that unless

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Sinn Fein gets the movement is looking for, like the Irish language

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Bill of Rights and the legacy of the troubles, the institutions have the

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-- the institutions cannot be restored. The benign view will be

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maybe things will be more real next week. The less benign view is that

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this isn't just shadow-boxing before they do a deal, it is a process that

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lacks momentum. We've had comments from the DUP to this programme

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tonight will stop we want to see devolution up and running again as

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soon as possible. No preconditions, no list of red lines, keen to

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deliver on issues like the health service as soon as we can. They have

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always said we have no red lines, we're not holding off. We would have

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nominated Arlene Foster if that wasn't a problem long before now.

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There are a number of issues here on which the raw great difficulties on

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legacy. We know that there is difficulty about national security

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and what can be disclosed to the families, and what the families want

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in relation to that. On the Irish language I'm told that the DUP is

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still looking for an omnibus language act which would include

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Ulster, Scots and the Irish language. Whereas Sinn Fein, they

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say we need a bespoke Irish Language Act. If I was to borrow this down,

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what could be a deal? You could imagine that if Sinn Fein was to

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give up its line in terms of not sharing power with Arlene Foster,

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and on the other hand the DUP was to say, you can have your Irish

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Language Act, that might be the big compromise. Back amid very quickly,

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but is there any sign that they want to do that? -- that can be done very

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quickly. I'm joined now by John Compton,

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the former Chief Executive of the Health and Social Care Board,

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and from our Foyle Studio by Sinead McLaughlin,

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Chief Executive of Londonderry John, you read this week in the

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Belfast Telegraph that the political impasse prose is a very real threat

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to the functioning of our health and social care service will stop --

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poses a very real threat. How worried are you? There are three big

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problems in the health service. Their performance, waiting times,

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and money. You can't make much progress in any of those if you

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don't have political leadership and political decision-making around to

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effect the changes that need to be made. And I think we could well be

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sleepwalking into quite a serious crisis, as far as the health service

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is concerned, if we don't actually have that sort of leadership and

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decision-making in the future. No one dispute that the stakes are

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high, but it has to be said there were problems before this political

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impasse. So it is not all down to the current deadlock. It is not, and

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I'm not a politician here about the politics of the thing. I just look

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at it, and what I see is for example on the money side, after the

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organisation made their ?60-80 million, they are still going to be

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much short. That means there will be longer rationing is of waiting

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times. In the absence of a political system and a political

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decision-making, that can only be more difficult for us all. You've

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talked about a potential health overspend of something in the region

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of ?300 million this year. That's a big figure. I think what'll happen

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if it may well not reach that full overspend. What that will be as

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rationing and curtailment of services. If you like, that they

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pass the decision not to do things, but it's a decision we will all

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experience. Sinead, you are due to meet Michelle O'Neill in Derry

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tonight. What were the concerns that you wanted to put to her during a

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conversation? Well, the business community, from our point of view,

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the big concern is Brexit. Article 50 was triggered last Wednesday. The

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negotiations have started and we do not have a voice at the table. We

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have outsourced our voice to Dublin, to London and indeed to Brussels.

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Really, that's just not good enough. That was the concern that I put to

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her. I realise political parties don't want to forsake their

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ideology. That is as it is. But we are in a precedent Challenger as a

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result of Brexit in Northern Ireland, and in the Republic of

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Ireland, and many a political voice within the exec -- and we need a

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political voice within the executive to articulate the needs of the

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electorate. As the business community, we don't want to

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metaphorically beat our politicians up. We want to support them and

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ensure that they do the right thing for the people and for the business

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community within this island, and within Northern Ireland. Just to be

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clear, are you saying that the restoration of the devolved

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institutions is the only way that you think these issues are going to

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be dealt with? And what was Michelle O'Neill's response to that

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suggestion when you put it to her? Brexit is a political problem. It is

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not a problem that can be solved by the business community. We can

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support, but there needs to be an articulation on paper put forward by

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the Northern Ireland executive. They need to have a unity of purpose.

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This affects everybody's life. This is not a party political situation,

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this is a situation that we have never experienced in our lifetime.

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To have no voice in the middle of all this is just a dereliction of

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duty. But, of course... At this point in time we need an budget as

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the first issue and Brexit at the second. The world is moving on, but

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we feel left behind. You have said you don't want to regard Brexit as

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party political, but the reality is that Michelle O'Neill with so Brexit

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is a big issue and she thinks that a major threat to the island. But the

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other main party for the biggest party in Northern Ireland -- of the

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other main party in Northern Ireland sees Brexit as an opportunity. There

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are challenges around Northern Ireland and there needs to be a

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voice and a position set. Because we are asking Brussels to look upon

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Northern Ireland as a unique set of circumstances. Yet there is no

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articulation to the Dublin government, and even to a unified

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voice to London to negotiate on our behalf. And it's just unacceptable.

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It's a political situation that needs to be resolved by politicians

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with the help of civic society. John, you whether to the idea of a

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return to devolution, or is it possible that under direct rule, the

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difficult decisions and accountable politicians are frankly reluctant or

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unable to make might be pushed through and Westminster? I suppose

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that's a possibility, but it would be such a disappointment if that is

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the case that we have a society couldn't take decision is

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fundamental for ourselves. As she later said, this is not about

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hunting the big politicians up. It is about recognising that there are

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serious issues in the Business Secretary Hull sex and health

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sector. In the health sector, we spend -- in the business sector and

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health sector. Or 1.8 million people use the service. It is a very

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compelling argument to sit down around the table and come to a

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conclusion where we can have a government that looks after that and

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take the necessary decisions for the future. The chances are, of course,

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that you wouldn't find a politician in Northern Ireland who didn't agree

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with what you've just that. But the point would be they would say that

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the reason we are in the predicament that we are in is somebody else's

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fault and not their fault? Yes, but you are in the political

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game to take leadership and demonstrate ownership. I would

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encourage people to accept that and move on words. Otherwise we will

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face considerable difficulties. I can talk about some of the

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difficulties we might face in the health sector but it is not

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exclusive to the health sector, it applies to the business sector,

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community sector, voluntary sector. We have big issues to deal with.

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Where do you think this period of deadlock leaves us as far as these

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big decisions are? There will be work going on in the background but

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in the end it needs to be politically driven and politically

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led. You can't do it without political drive and the political

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elite. It will run into a cul-de-sac without political support. That is

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important because we need to reform our health and social care system.

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There is no point about people complaining about rising costs in

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the health system when we are not making the change that could prevent

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and limit that. Sinead, McLaughlin, there are economists who think this

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could work itself out in the wash, overplaying the fear of instability.

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Do you sympathise with this customer that lack of an executive is hurting

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businesses at the moment. Some Government contracts can't be

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executed because of lack of money. Some in the community and voluntary

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sector have had their jobs put on hold. This is hurting peoples

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pockets. We need to address this sooner rather than later. Just

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letting things just on is not a solution. I know our politicians

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don't want to do that either. I think people need to come out of the

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corners, move towards the centre, and deal with the big issues that

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are facing the people of Northern Ireland today, not tomorrow, today.

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Were you reassured at all on any of the issues that you have touched

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upon tonight from what you heard from Michelle O'Neill? I believe

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that there is a desire to move back into Government. They want

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everything fixed before they do so and I don't think that that can

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happen as easily as they would wish for. We need to make some sacrifices

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and moved towards the centre and start delivering for the people of

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Northern Ireland that voted for them. Thank you both very much.

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Well, one of the sticking points in those talks, we're told,

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is the establishment of an Irish Language Act.

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So are there lessons our politicians could learn from how the issue's

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We sent Stephen Walker to Cardiff to examine the Welsh model.

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Six years ago Assembly members in Cardiff introduced new measures for

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the Welsh language. It's meant for the first time that Wales could be

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treated less favourably than English. The measures also

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introduced the new position of Welsh language commissioner whose job was

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to promote the language and penalise those who failed to comply with the

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changes. Mary Hughes has been the

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Commissioner for five years and she has to sanction those who failed to

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comply with the regulations. We have two be tough but it is tough with an

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explanation, a smile, and a way forward. That is the important

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message. Where are we going? It's a road some Irish campaigners want to

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travel. They would like a Commissioner. But in Cardiff there

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are words of caution from this Northern Ireland born academic. It

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can have certain benefits but the office has to be treated, design,

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with the particular tasks in mind. Clarity on that is essential. I'm

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not sure that the different actors that are engaged with the Irish

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language agenda in Northern Ireland at present have got that clarity as

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yet. The signs of change are everywhere to see in Wales. Welsh is

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now on an equal footing with endless.

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What can we learn from the Welsh experience? Can the plans here act

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as a guide for those who want an Irish Language Act? After six years

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in operation the proposals are being reviewed and straightforward

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questions are being asked? What works and what doesn't? Susie Davis

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is a Conservative Assembly Member who speaks English and Wales, she

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says those campaigning for an Irish Language Act Commission need to

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think carefully. If you are going to have an Irish language Commissioner

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focus on the promotion and benefits of being bilingual, rather than the

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insistence on certain rules and regulations. If you wanted to be

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something that people look at in a positive way and our Boly -- and see

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a value, and economic value as well, explain that, rather than being told

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it is good for you. The context of another ties language such that you

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need legislation to guarantee rates for those people. Without that

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legislation, that body to protect those rights, it is like many other

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qualities, you need basic fundamental rights guaranteed by

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law. The difference between the debate in Wales about languages, and

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a discussion in Northern Ireland is stark. In Cardiff is a political

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consensus. In Belfast there is a stalemate. It is different in

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Northern Ireland because you have got two distinct cultures there. But

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it is a matter of showing respect, respect to each other, mutual

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respect. Because the Irish community respect the Unionist tradition and

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vice versa, that should be a way of communicating. What advice does the

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Welsh language minister have for those opposed to an Irish language

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act? I would say embrace the language, embrace the culture,

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embrace it as part of your identity. We have taken politics out of the

:19:45.:19:48.

language and we have all benefited, Welsh speakers and non-Welsh

:19:49.:19:53.

speakers alike. How does he his politics and his identity with the

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Welsh language? I'm a Unionist and I speak Welsh. My children speak Welsh

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and go to Welsh language schools. I speak Welsh when I am at home as

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well as at work. It is part of my identity, my cultural experience,

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part of my future, part of my British future, I don't need to

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choose between being British and Welsh, I can have both. It's clear

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that those thoughts are sheared and other parties. I don't like either

:20:20.:20:26.

language being used as a weapon. I accept my identity might have

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changed now I have this new skill but it does not affect me as a

:20:31.:20:34.

Unionist, I am as British as I once was. What could change the debate

:20:35.:20:39.

about an Irish language act? Mythology creates fear. One of the

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important thing is to get rid of any meths. Look at what you are trying

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to do, you are trying to create an energetic bilingual community. In

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order to do that you need to be able to talk to each other. She

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experiences. Pull down fences and stop the Welsh experience shows that

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dialogue -- pull down fences. The Welsh experience shows that dialogue

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can work. Stephen Walker reporting -

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and with me now are the former Culture Minister, Nelson McCausland,

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and Ian Malcolm who's an Irish Nelson McAusland, we heard from the

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man responsible for the Welsh language, someone who describes

:21:35.:21:38.

himself as a Unionist, saying he has no issue with an act that safeguards

:21:39.:21:42.

and indigenous language, but there are problems with that in Northern

:21:43.:21:47.

Ireland. Why is that the case? The Irish language has been used, abused

:21:48.:21:54.

in many ways, by some of its advocates, for political ends. We

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need to step back from the current confrontation that there is, where

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one group says we want an Irish language, the other says you cannot

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have it. We need to reframe the conversation because ultimately,

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this is about cultural identity, and we need to look at the issue of

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cultural identity in Northern Ireland, how it is affirmed and

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validated, all cultural identities, not just one, all the different

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cultural identities that we have. But the Irish language is not

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necessarily monocultural. It is interesting that Alun Davies linked

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the Welsh language of his Welsh identity, and this comes through

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with Sinn Fein. It affirms my identity, validates, part of what

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that person is. Identity is the real issue. You don't think that an Irish

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Language Act, the right kind of Irish Language Act, could make it

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attractive to Protestants, Unionists, who are perhaps not very

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knowledgeable about it, or downright hostile towards it? There are many

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people who have different cultural expressions. He needs to look at all

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the different cultural expressions, all linguistic diversity, and see

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how we treat all of these based on a word that Sinn Fein used, equality.

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You are not a politician, but you broadcast in Irish, you teach the

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language to a lot of people in Belfast. You have seen the language

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could all over the years. Can you see fight Nelson McAusland sees the

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language is there, people who want to learn it can learn it, we don't

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beat an Irish Language Act to protect and promote it? It is

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important to acknowledge that all of the political parties have their own

:23:52.:23:55.

positions on the Irish language and indeed on many other matters. Those

:23:56.:24:00.

decisions are -- those positions are strongly held and parties may feel

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they are representing the wishes and views of the electorate. But we have

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to seek another review of the Irish Language Act stop it is not

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something that has always been political. There was a time when

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there were people from both traditions and backgrounds in this

:24:18.:24:21.

part of the world spoke Irish. We could go through a history lesson,

:24:22.:24:25.

which I don't propose to do now, but Irish came to this island by the

:24:26.:24:33.

Celts, and at that stage there were no Protestants, nor Catholics,

:24:34.:24:38.

Unionists, nationalists, so language predates that. When it is said that

:24:39.:24:44.

the Irish Language Act is an issue primarily to do with identity what

:24:45.:24:48.

do you see? You are open about the fact that you are an Irish Language

:24:49.:24:51.

Act is yes but you are also a Protestant and a Unionist. Yes, and

:24:52.:24:57.

I am proud of my background. Do you see it as your Irishness and your

:24:58.:25:02.

ability to speak and promote the Irish Language Act is also part of

:25:03.:25:05.

your Protestant and Unionist tradition? I do very much because

:25:06.:25:09.

during the 19th century, Presbyterians wear to the fore in

:25:10.:25:13.

the preservation and promotion of the Irish language at a time when it

:25:14.:25:17.

was in severe difficulty and in danger of dying out. On at least one

:25:18.:25:22.

occasion Queen Victoria was welcomed to Belfast with slogans in Irish. It

:25:23.:25:30.

was a very warm welcome from the Protestant people of Belfast to

:25:31.:25:37.

Queen Victoria. Nelson McAusland might see that was then, this is no,

:25:38.:25:42.

there has been a lot of water under the bridge since Queen Victoria was

:25:43.:25:45.

last in Belfast. Indeed the House but I think we are moving back to a

:25:46.:25:48.

position when people on both sides of the community are recognising

:25:49.:25:51.

that the Irish Language Act something the interfaces on a daily

:25:52.:25:58.

basis, and teams of surnames, place names, in terms of the way we use

:25:59.:26:05.

the Irish language through English, words like Smithereens, derived from

:26:06.:26:11.

Irish. Do you accept that as the case? There are people in this part

:26:12.:26:15.

of the world to perhaps didn't grow up and running Irish, people from

:26:16.:26:19.

the Protestant and Unionist tradition, who now do want to engage

:26:20.:26:22.

with that in no way they maybe did not 20, 30 years ago? One of the

:26:23.:26:28.

disappointments with a lot of the discussion is that it focuses on one

:26:29.:26:34.

cultural expression, to the exclusion -- to the exclusion of all

:26:35.:26:41.

others. I read the document issued by the Gaelic league critic put

:26:42.:26:47.

forward a proposal for the Irish language act. The figure was

:26:48.:26:51.

rejected by another Irish language activists who said it was

:26:52.:26:56.

unrealistically low. But at least we are talking about figures.

:26:57.:27:01.

Previously a proposal was published, and then we were told they did not

:27:02.:27:10.

know what it was cost. 8.5 million, then 2 million per year for five

:27:11.:27:14.

years, you toss about 100 million. I am probably an Agreement with the

:27:15.:27:23.

statement that that figure was unrealistically low. It suits your

:27:24.:27:25.

purpose is to agree with Janice Miller on that. We happen to agree.

:27:26.:27:32.

That there's a reason for you not to want it. She said that as our

:27:33.:27:36.

assessment, it is not for you to put interpretation on my motivation.

:27:37.:27:41.

What I wanted to see about a leaked document is this, -- the Gaelic

:27:42.:27:51.

league documents, it is not a separate issue, it is significant,

:27:52.:27:56.

when the document that uses nationalist Republican language of

:27:57.:28:01.

the north, they would not even use the term Northern Ireland, and that

:28:02.:28:10.

is not the only document. How serious a point it is? I think it is

:28:11.:28:16.

significantly. Your primary concern is about the

:28:17.:28:26.

cost .dll you may not want to face the fact that is a national issue.

:28:27.:28:30.

Is the issue of cost a major issue for you? Cost of a factor. If they

:28:31.:28:40.

didn't cost anything, would support an Irish Language Act? There is no

:28:41.:28:43.

point in having a discussion about something that is hypothetical. But

:28:44.:28:48.

I will say this to you - I want legislation that accommodates all be

:28:49.:28:52.

cultural traditions and linguistic traditions equally. No preferential

:28:53.:28:59.

treatment from the Irish language or the Irish language community.

:29:00.:29:06.

Everybody's culture. You will also unionist and interested in Orange

:29:07.:29:10.

culture. Can you see where Nelson is coming from on that? As I said, I

:29:11.:29:16.

understand that people have strongly held positions about the Irish

:29:17.:29:20.

language. People feel as though some people do feel that it may be part

:29:21.:29:25.

of a broader cultural issue. But I think really we have to cut through

:29:26.:29:29.

some of the myths out there about the Irish language. I honestly think

:29:30.:29:33.

they are put out there to scare people about a language act, in

:29:34.:29:38.

terms of number one cause. I've spoken to many people from my

:29:39.:29:42.

background recently about an Irish Language Act. And two fears are

:29:43.:29:47.

reiterated and stated to me time and time again. One is that every child

:29:48.:29:50.

in Northern Ireland would be forced to learn the Irish language in

:29:51.:29:54.

school. That's not going to happen. The other fear that people have

:29:55.:29:58.

expressed to me on many occasions is that every single document must be

:29:59.:30:02.

translated into Irish as well as English. You don't think that would

:30:03.:30:07.

happen? I do not think that would happen. What would you say to

:30:08.:30:11.

Nelson, who has expressed in the way that he has done many times before

:30:12.:30:17.

his severe reservations about an Irish Language Act? You think she's

:30:18.:30:23.

got it wrong, why? I think we will have to move together. Obviously

:30:24.:30:26.

talks are going on on the Irish language is one of many issues up

:30:27.:30:31.

for discussion. The way to move forward is to try and garner a

:30:32.:30:35.

consensus. First of all by looking at those areas in which an Irish

:30:36.:30:40.

Language Act or progression of the Irish language could be made on

:30:41.:30:43.

non-contentious issues. And there are many of those. Anyway towards

:30:44.:30:50.

persuading new? I have no issue with the Irish language. I do have an

:30:51.:30:53.

issue with the Irish Language Act and I have an issue with the way in

:30:54.:30:57.

which the Irish language has been used by Sinn Fein and other

:30:58.:31:00.

nationalists to further political agenda. Interesting to hear your

:31:01.:31:02.

thoughts. And let's hear what our commentators

:31:03.:31:03.

make of where we are. Fionnuala O Connor and Alex Kane

:31:04.:31:06.

are with me tonight. Good evening to you both. That's

:31:07.:31:13.

pick-up on that issue of language, first of all. We heard the

:31:14.:31:20.

experience from Stephen Walker of Wales, and how language is dealt

:31:21.:31:24.

with there. Do you think there is any way, Alex, of us learning

:31:25.:31:28.

lessons from that experience in Cardiff? I would be cautious because

:31:29.:31:31.

I think it's easy enough to say you are equally Welsh and British

:31:32.:31:36.

because there is no chance of Wales becoming an independent country. My

:31:37.:31:40.

own gut instinct is that there will be an Irish Language Act, not in the

:31:41.:31:43.

next few weeks or months, but at some point. I just wish a debate

:31:44.:31:48.

about it, which is important for both sides, had been held in the

:31:49.:31:53.

circumstances. It has become a much more political debate than it should

:31:54.:31:57.

be. The culture and history have been forgotten. The joint history

:31:58.:32:00.

has been forgotten and Sinn Fein are using this for their own agenda. You

:32:01.:32:05.

were unionist. Does the prospect of an Irish Language Act in Northern

:32:06.:32:09.

Ireland were you? He doesn't worry me because I am confident in safe in

:32:10.:32:13.

Unionism. There are lots of other cultures and traditions which need

:32:14.:32:16.

to be respected. I can deal with all of that, but I am worried that we

:32:17.:32:20.

have any of these debates where it seems to belong to one side or the

:32:21.:32:25.

other. Fionnuala, what did you make of that? It seems that Nelson is not

:32:26.:32:29.

persuadable, and that is someone who is a unionist and Protestant sat

:32:30.:32:35.

alongside him who is an advocate for the Irish language. But Nelson isn't

:32:36.:32:42.

biting. I'm reminded to rise above this. Two proverbs come to me, one

:32:43.:32:47.

from the African-American tradition, when they go low, we go high. And

:32:48.:32:56.

the other one, more knowledge unless wisdom. It seems to me that -- more

:32:57.:33:03.

knowledge and less wisdom. It seems to me that this argument is all

:33:04.:33:08.

about identity and we must have all cultures recognise. I don't think

:33:09.:33:12.

Nelson means that for a minute. I do think he wants Bengali culture

:33:13.:33:15.

recognised equally with Irish culture. -- I don't think he wants

:33:16.:33:24.

Bengali culture. I would disagree completely with Alex, nobody has

:33:25.:33:30.

mentioned the DUP's attitude to the Irish. It surprises me that in the

:33:31.:33:34.

middle of talks after a very hard-fought and nasty election

:33:35.:33:39.

campaign, after an awkward outcome for the DUP and for the union's

:33:40.:33:45.

majority, that a leading unionist Vicar, albeit not an MLA any more,

:33:46.:33:48.

should go out and maybe make things difficult for people who are trying

:33:49.:33:53.

to negotiate. -- leading unionist figure. Gregory Campbell,

:33:54.:34:04.

disparaging Irish in the crudest and very unattractive ways for years, is

:34:05.:34:07.

nothing to do with cost or argument about recognising cultures. It is

:34:08.:34:13.

just contempt for Irish. The DUP have suffered from that attitude

:34:14.:34:17.

from Arlene Foster in the election outcome. Alex, let's briefly have a

:34:18.:34:22.

word about the wider talks process and where we are, do you think, with

:34:23.:34:27.

that? The Irish Language Act is apparently a sticking point. What

:34:28.:34:30.

prospects for resolution by the end of next week? I don't see any

:34:31.:34:34.

prospect that all. Given what is coming out and the lack of clarity

:34:35.:34:39.

and progress. They may as well have been talking in Welsh for the past

:34:40.:34:41.

week because they clearly don't understand what each other once. And

:34:42.:34:47.

there is a third-party - James Brokenshire, he is not impartial by

:34:48.:34:50.

any means. The British government has to compromise as well. Thank you

:34:51.:34:53.

both very much. That's it from The View for this

:34:54.:34:55.

and the next few weeks. We'll be back after Easter -

:34:56.:34:58.

and we leave you with one intrepid MLA who was so hungry this week

:34:59.:35:01.

that he stepped outside his comfort And obviously other

:35:02.:35:04.

chocolate bars are available. So I'm on the third floor of

:35:05.:35:20.

Stormont. This is the Sinn Fein side, and way down there is DUP

:35:21.:35:26.

territory. It's a bit like East territory and West Germany, but

:35:27.:35:29.

that's where I had to go to get my Snickers! -- East Germany and West

:35:30.:35:37.

Germany. I am in no man's land now between the two areas. We are moving

:35:38.:35:50.

into DUP territory. I had just passed Peter's office and I am

:35:51.:35:58.

nearly there. I'm getting there. There is my Snickers, there!

:35:59.:36:08.

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