29/06/2017 The View

No deal at Stormont today, but Northern Ireland politics did

take centre stage at Westminster with that Tory move on abortion.

Tonight, what does that piece of high drama say

about the stability of the Tory-DUP high wire act in the Commons?

And is there any chance, any chance at all, our local

politicians can sort out their differences and get

Stormont up and running again some time soon?

The move by the Government to allow women from Northern Ireland

to access abortion for free on the NHS in England

is being viewed by some as a fundamental shift and a major

concession by the Conservative Government to Labour.

In a moment, we'll hear from one Labour MP who

And, as another deadline passes at Stormont, the talking continues.

But are we really any closer to reaching agreement?

We'll hear from the SDLP, the Ulster Unionists and Alliance.

Plus - tense negotiations, bargaining and arm twisting.

It's not Stormont, but the fifth annual View awards.

I think it has to be Arlene Foster. For very bad reasons. It is a

gloriously bonkers world. and Newton Emerson in Commentators'

Corner. The unexpected political twist has

become a regular feature in politics So we shouldn't really have been

surprised when the focus on Stormont and its looming talks deadline

was knocked sideways by events But could anyone have predicted that

Northern Ireland women and their access to free abortions

in Britain would be And what are the consequences of

that concession from the Government Let's go first to Westminster,

and the Labour MP Liz Kendall. Liz Kendall, thank you for joining

us. You backed Stella Creasy's

amendment, which was the catalyst for the Tory decision

to shift its position on making abortions free in England for women

from Northern Ireland. I mean, it's an issue MPs from

across the political divide have been concerned about for a long

while. And I'm very pleased that the Government has decided to accept the

amendment and make abortions for women who take that very difficult

decision to come to England, you know, available on the same basis as

every other woman in the rest of the UK, so it is free at the point of

need. I think many women MPs felt very passionately about it. But I

also think Stella Creasy did the right thing in working across the

political divide to show that there is real cross-party support for

that. I think it shows the power of parliament, but also the

precariousness of the Conservatives' position at the moment.

Did you specifically raise this issue today in the knowledge that it

would cause difficulties for the DUP?

No, no, it's something that myself and as I say many other Labour MPs

have been concerned about and talking about for a long time.

Because it is, you know, it's an issue of justice and fairness. It's

not about changing the law within Northern Ireland and the fact that

that is a devolved responsibility. But it's about saying that women who

take that incredibly difficult decision to terminate their

pregnancies and to travel that, you know, that they have to have that

care on the same basis as other women in all the rest of the UK. But

you can understand, can't you, why those who are opposed to abortion

are unhappy about this move? They see it as undemocratic, that a

decision with wide-ranging implications for Northern Ireland is

taken in the way that it was taken at Westminster? This was not a

decision about where responsibility for abortion law lives, that remains

a devolved issue and a matter for the Northern Ireland Assembly. It is

to say that if you are treated by the NHS in England, it should be

free at the point of need. And I think that is very important. I know

it is a hugely sensitive issue, but I also that women face terrible

anxiety about that decision in the first place, terrible stigma, and

additional costs. And I think it was right that the Government listened

to MPs from all sides of the house to say, whether NHS England pays for

that care is a decision for NHS England and for this parliament, and

I'm glad that decision was taken. Do you accept that the timing was

unfortunate, on the day that the Appeal Court ruled that abortion is

a matter for politicians at Stormont. People who don't like

abortion and like the fact that it is not readily available in Northern

Ireland see this decision as making abortion for Northern Ireland women

easier, and that is something obviously they are fundamentally

opposed to. I understand the very deeply held beliefs that people have

on both sides of this debate. But it is a matter for the NHS in England

about how that care is provided and how that is paid for. This vote was

not a change for the fact that abortion is a devolved

responsibility and the devolved issue. And, you know, it's right

that in the Queen's speech backbench MPs can put forward motions, have

them debated and voted on and disgust. That is how our democracy

and Parliament works. Parliament on the Government made a good decision

today. One final question, what's your view of the failure of the

Northern Ireland parties to reach agreement by today's 4pm deadline to

get Stormont up and running again? Well, I really hope that all sides

come together to make sure that Stormont and the assembly are up and

running as soon as possible. That's what I think MPs from across the

house want, and I hope that happens over the coming days. Because it's

so important for the future of people in Northern Ireland, and I'm

sure that the people of Northern Ireland want that assembly to be up

and running, to take the decisions about issues there, and I give it my

full backing and support. Liz Kendall, thank you very much.

Well, a senior Conservative MP has told The View that a period

of direct rule for Northern Ireland may be inevitable because of

Laurence Robertson says a return to devolution is preferable,

but handing power back to Westminster might

be "the only option" unless a deal is struck here.

Our Political Correspondent, Stephen Walker, asked Mr Robertson

for his reaction to today's failure to reach a deal in Belfast.

Well, it's very disappointing. Whatever the issues that are

outstanding, they are best adult with if there is an up and running

functioning public assembly -- they are best dealt with. That is where

decisions should be taken. It means decisions will have to be taken here

at Westminster, aubergine. It's very clear, very unsatisfactory,

certainly not what we wanted to see, anyway. Should James Brokenshire I

now call an election? I think he is going to wait over the weekend. I

think he is giving a statement of the House of Commons on Monday. I

don't detect any real desire for another election in Northern

Ireland. What's it going to achieve? We have to get to the position where

everybody who should nominate does nominate and surely there are

important issues about the economy and other things that should be

discussed... That is the law of the land on the way that these things

work? We need to look at the legislation, because it's not going

to take us anywhere. I'm surprised that Sinn Fein had not put forward

somebody. Those issues can be discussed, the Irish language,

Corporation Tax, health, education, the extra money which is coming to

Northern Ireland, surely that is best discussed in the Assembly. I'm

disappointed that Sinn Fein haven't gone along with that and agreed the

principles of power-sharing, which I thought they had signed signed up

to. It means accepting compromises that perhaps you don't want to

accept, that is the essence of power-sharing. Do you have a problem

with the Irish Language Act? It is certainly not something I lie awake

worrying about at night, but it's up to people in Northern Ireland to

decide if they want that. But you wouldn't have a problem with it

personally? It's not for me to decide, I'm not in the Northern

Ireland Assembly. It is for people there to decide what they want. We

have to work within the structures which are set out in the Belfast

agreement and legislation. If Sinn Fein or anybody else wants to evolve

that legislation and look at it again and see if it can be

modernised, I would be all for that, actually. We can't keep stumbling

from crisis to crisis. At the moment, those are the rule that both

sides have to work with. Are we now looking at a prolonged period of

direct rule? I sincerely hope not. I was a Shadow Minister when we have

the last period of direct rule, and very important issues are decided

upstairs in the House of Commons in a committee of 20 MPs. That's no way

to run Northern Ireland. So I sincerely hope not. But somebody has

to run the province. If that is watching vein of forcing, well, that

might be the only option. We'll have to see, but I hope not. Do you think

your relationship with the DUP has affected the talks process? I don't

think so. I said in the Commons yesterday, this crisis began long

before the general election and any deal between the DUP the

Conservative Party. If we go back to September 2015 when we have the last

crisis, that was way beyond any deal between the Conservative Party and

the DUP. No, I don't believe that is the problem. I think it is a problem

within Sinn Fein. I don't know what game they are playing but I do know

it is a dangerous one. Laurence Robertson talking

to Stephen Walker in Westminster. We did ask the DUP and Sinn Fein

to join us on tonight's programme, I am, however, joined

by Professor Jon Tonge, who's written widely about the DUP,

and by the commentator Was a deal ever going to be done

by today's deadline? No, and we have witnessed a shambles

today. We had a deadline that was never going to be realisable. It

completely undermines the credibility of those deadlines. They

were trying to rush the fences basically, the British Government,

getting the deal done, just as the Assembly was about to break up for

the summer. There was no need to press ahead. Far better it would

have been to get a proper deal done with an autumn deadline which might

have been more realisable. The difficulties are not insurmountable.

An Irish Language Act can be produced. You will have probably a

separate of the Scots act. Same-sex marriage, that issue to some extent

has been taken care of why the snap assembly election because the DUP

cannot blog it now. Sinn Fein's assistance that they would not work

with Arlene Foster seems to be disappearing from view. Some

progress was made. But the deadline, we were told there would be profound

and serious implications of the deal was not done today. Well, James

Brokenshire I is now allowing the parties to carry on. So what are

these profound and serious implications? There are non-. The

Secretary of State is coming back tomorrow to continue the talks. That

fixed by applying to date was a straw deadline. It never felt like a

deadline that was going to do what the are supposed to do, alert the

governments to exert pressure on the two parties, Sinn Fein and the DUP,

to make the deal. I think that context of the DUP and the

Conservative Party working away the last number of weeks to make there

own deal has contributed towards this. It feeds into Sinn Fein's

suspicions. We have to remember why we are here. We are here because the

nationalist community called time on Stormont. That feeds into Sinn

Fein's most popular move in the last decade was to pull down by

institutions. They have been handsomely rewarded in an electoral

sense. Uppermost in their minds at the moment is that they have to get

a deal that is transparently clear that it delivers, almost

re-establishes an equilibrium between Unionism and nationalism at

Stormont. I can't see them styling off on anything until they are

confident that will be well received with the Nationalists. If that

deadline was nothing more than a bit of political cardiology, where does

that leave us? The parties are under no pressure to set down and focus

their minds on do a deal, not for Monday, the end of August, not even

by Christmas time so no it is quite clear that Secretary of State broke

and she is desperate to avoid this legislation... He needs to do

something stop low say what the sanction is if the deadline is

missed. Everybody knew that the implications meant nothing because

there was no statement of intent from the Secretary of State. Next

time an autumn deadline that will be followed by sanction. People we

believe it next time. Therein lies the problem. At some point, the

circus has two end. A deal can be done because of the progress that

has been made. There has been progress on some of the issues that

have been outlined. You can't blame Sinn Fein for asking for an Irish

Language Act. It was there at St Andrews in 2006. They have been

waiting 11 years for it. It is not that difficult a gift for the DUP to

make. Sinn Fein have had to roll back in trying to decide that Arlene

Foster couldn't be First Minister, it was frankly for the birds. There

is a prospect of progress. Every survey of public opinion has shown

that the public want devolved power-sharing. Direct rule only gets

about 15% support Macs in any survey. You've got to get the show

one. If there is a deal to be done and we can see the elements that

have come together, is there in big dollop of political from us on the

part of our all additions not to do the deal yet? That is a part of it.

There has to be a period of time whether two parties, probably one

private, will work on a choreography to get them over this hurdle. Part

of that also that both parties after the last two elections have even

further consolidated their strong position is that they were within

the respective communities. So they can do a deal. What happened today

in the House of Commons is also interesting. That notion that

pressure can be exerted within the Conservative Party to force a

change, that will be in the minds of the DUP, if they go to direct rule

there could be within the Conservative Party moves of equal

marriage. The Tories would also be vulnerable because the Irish

Language Act is in St Andrews, they might have to legislate that through

the Commons as well. Fascinating to see how difficult

things will be for the Tories and DUP in the Commons when you have

Labour sniping and cutting the Tories off at the knees. It's an

inherently unstable arrangement this axis between the DUP and the Tories.

It could work for the DUP, it only takes for the Conservatives to lose

a few by-elections. The DUP value could increase but there are plenty

on the Conservative backbenchers who do not like this axis with the DUP.

The onus is on Sinn Fein now to go back into the executive because the

Vista is pretty grim otherwise. The DUP - Conservative axis at

Westminster? What is in it for Sinn Fein? A deal by Monday? No, this is

going to be autumn happy earliest. I cannot see it. There would have to

be a significant change because I think Sinn Fein's room for manoeuvre

on this is quite limited. There is no chance of a deal on Monday. Stay

with us. We will try to come back to you if we can.

Well, it's worth remembering in all the discussion

about the horse-trading between the DUP and Sinn Fein

that there are three other local parties which are,

technically, involved in the process too.

leader Naomi Long, Claire Hanna, the Alliance Party

and the Ulster Unionist Doug Beattie.

Do you feel, Naomi Long, that you are innocent bystander at the

moment? That would be to demean the influence we have had during this

process but we could not argue with any credibility that we are partners

in the last few days. Inevitably what was going to happen where Sinn

Fein and the DUP would have to focus on the gaps between close those gaps

and then whether they could accommodate the other parties,

because they because they say they want a fight the executive and that

is probably in the best interests of Northern Ireland at this point. They

never managed to close the gap between them. As of last night they

were still debating whether they would establish the Irish language

act. That debate has been going on since January. The idea that this

debate can continue and in a few days' time, things were shifted

dramatically, it is not the case. I cannot see any prospect of the DUP

on the side of the 12th of July conceding an Irish language act and

I'm going to the parade on the trot and being berated on the platforms

for having conceded that, so that is off the table at this point. You and

the SDLP go back, the Secretary of State is coming back but everyone is

saying it is a waste of time because there was no chance of a deal being

done. What is happening? You've expressed frustration people feel,

and yet another deadline rushing over our heads will just increase

public cynicism and lack of belief that politics is the way that we

can... Is there any point in turning up tomorrow? We will always turn up.

But we feel like we have been at parallel process, parallel

universe... Parallel pantomime? We will keep trying to discuss and keep

forward ideas like a petition of concern that could unlock progress

on these issues and also things like child city deals, but as Naomi said,

we are apparently stuck on the issue of an Irish language act. I would

not start here with that, I would, as John said, the ambiguity around

it at St Andrews, it has to be remembered that last May we try to

negotiate a programme for government and we were rebuffed. I say this as

someone who speaks Irish. Is it more important than government? Know. But

it has become an issue by the DUP's owner and the parity of esteem. They

have made it totemic and they have two be prepared to share but whether

it is the Irish language or the military covenant, if parties are

saying that you can or cannot have government based on this one issue

they are lying all the common votes to four by the wayside. Would you

turn up on stage tomorrow and play your part in supporting cast? We all

have to turn up, we all have passed the play, we all have ideas that we

could give. But you are a bit part players and the principles don't

seem to want to get on with the performers. I think that know put it

quite well, the third part of the process is closing the gap between

the DUP and Sinn Fein. And the second is making sure that can get

an executive together that all five parties can buy into. As the Ulster

Unionist Party weeping ideals do that, solutions to problems try to

gaps. -- we bring ideas. In some cases, and I will give you a simple

example around the Irish line was, I have the utmost respect for the

Irish language and its community but we cannot do it as a single issue,

it is part of identity and culture. We have suggested that the flags,

identity, culture and traditions commission could be a vehicle for

closing that gap and that seemed to have been ignored. It is laudable to

use that to try to close the gap and save face for some of the people.

Naomi, you said enthusiastically that there are contributions from

the smaller parties that are making a difference, but not to the several

narrative of the peace. Remember that we have narrowed it down to the

Irish language act and some other issues, but when they started it

included Brexit and many other issues which have been dealt with on

a five party bases, where we have had real influence and we continue.

On things like equal marriage and the Irish language act, to try to be

focus minds on the fact that the petition of needs to be looked at if

we are to unlock serious, progressive legislation that in the

assembly. We have to remind the two main parties of that because the

tendency has been to Australia's issues around the table between

themselves but not do the structural work that needs done to make sure

that we restore the assembly in a proper restoration that will work.

We have done the groundwork. Rather than sit back and said that they are

talking, we'll put our feet up, we have, in apparel process, made clear

what our terms and conditions are they want us in the executive, we

work with them to make sure that those issues are addressed. We

continue to try to ease the way. The reality is this is about political

will to do the deal or not. And I don't believe that their heart is in

it and that became absolutely clear last night when people upped sticks

and went home at one o'clock in the morning. If this was a serious

deadline day would still be there. You can make the contributions you

want to make and talk about progress, but if Sinn Fein and the

DUP don't want to sit down in a room and hammer out a deal, there is

little that anyone else can do about that. In society and in politics we

believe in pluralism and getting as many voices and accepting that be

will make those choices and that is what people have voted for. But, you

know, there is a deliberate attempt in some respects to distract from

some of the bigger issues that people are wondering about, not

least Brexit, and boil it down to this. It can push people into

corners. As Naomi and David have said we did get some progress in

these issues and it may be appropriate to publish and put some

of that out there. It has to be said that the two parties with the big

mandates have not shown up to talk about what is in confession and wrap

proxies in the media and deflection and buzzwords, and people should be

asked to play out exactly what the are. What do you think happens when

the talks reconvene tomorrow at Stormont? We carry on with the

momentum we've got. We don't know is that what is going on inside there,

to be honest. Nobody really does. We don't know how close these people

are getting. They might be getting close. There were three strands we

were talking about the legacy, the Irish language and governance.

Governance is important to us, but we're close the gap on legacy, for

example. And we could well close the gap quite quickly on the Irish

language. The governors issued good open this up, we could put it to the

floor and work out the details. But the talks are really getting into

the nitty-gritty of what an act should do, shouldn't do, how much it

should cost, but it is really about how and whether it should exist. It

is not just about what to do tomorrow in terms of the gaps. Every

day that goes by, another day of paperwork building up on the

Minister's desk when there is no minister to take decisions, give

direction, allocate funds and budgets and we end up at the Civil

Service working on a very narrow remit. That Gemili continue until

mid-July before there was no choice but to have direct rule of some

kind. That is not good for Northern Ireland, not bid for the process,

and that is going to up and some of the relationships that have been

built. So this deadline being missed has consequences. People may not

believe that but those losing their jobs because decisions are not being

made about community involvement, because there are cars on public

services, they think it is bad. Is this bad politics? The parties

involved don't seem to be able to reach agreement. Some people say

that it brings politics into disrepute when politicians are not

doing their job that they are elected and paid to do, but also

that doesn't seem to be anybody in charge at the moment. These other

parties that the electorate has voted for, so we have to be careful

about analysis. The political will clearly was not there this time and

you have a suspicion that the DUP were gung ho about nominating the

First Minister. Direct rule would not disadvantage the DUP but it

would disadvantage Sinn Fein. If they are prepared to wait, it is not

going to report until November, December. Does this bring politics

into disrepute? These parties have received an overwhelming mandate.

This is ours as a society trying to find a way to coexist, thrashing

around in the post-Good Friday agreement if, and how we do so as

equal partners. Every so often we will come up against these hurdles.

If we could just widen it we talk about the context of what is

happening in Westminster. We have heard from Liz Kendall, the case for

the change to abortion law across the water which will allow a woman

from ear to travel and get free abortions on the NHS in England.

Your party is a pro-life party. Have you got perlite -- have you got

reservations about that? It is a democratic void that we don't have a

government and whatever your views, and I don't support the 1967 act

which is essentially what this is, I am an admirer of stellar QC has done

good work on the Living Wage and payday loans but a North London MP

has more power. The assembly asked for report from a working group to

see and how abortion law should be reformed and instead after 15 months

we don't know why they sat another port for 15 months even before the

collapse. These are decisions for Northern Ireland. Time for a

sentence each, are you pleased about what happened today? I'm pleased

that it will ease the financial pressure on women who do travel to

have a termination of pregnancy. But it is not a solution to Northern

Ireland's problem zero I believe that the report was necessary, the

Department of had done at study on this, there was a report because

people were ducking the hard decisions, as always. We need

abortion reform. We have been exporting abortion to England,

Scotland and Wales so I welcome this developing. -- development. Thank

you for joining us. Let's hear what tonight's

commentators make of Deirdre Heenan and Newton

Emerson are with me. We have a lot to get through. We

will come onto the View Awards in just a moment.

The Stormont situation - no agreement, but the process limps on.

Is the glass half empty? Most people expected that, and that the deadly

mid-pass, as it has. The interesting point of discussion is, people want

to know the implications of not reaching agreement. As Secretary of

State going to say, what will happen? Will funds be cut? The

public are running out of patience. It might not be bad for politics and

ponder commentators and one says but with people at home worrying about

their jobs, the dizzying this week by the Department of Health to take

money out of district nursing completely flies in the face of a

report and that is asking questions about who is in charge, and how can

you have strategic direction when we don't have ministers? So has it all

disappeared? But we're wondering about who makes the strategic

decisions. Over the summer this committee of the Tories and the DUP

might meet, at the moment it is just meeting about that ?1 billion

package but it is going to decide on a new executive that Sinn Fein is

locked out of and that is very destabilising. Our view in agreement

with my other commentators who said that there was a plea cannot be any

deal by Monday? They will be talking over the summer -- the summer. It is

unlikely that there will be a deal. All parties, whilst they are doing

their best, they are peeping in at the margins at the larger parties.

The earliest I could see it happening is the end of September.

Let's pause there for a moment, and since it's our final

programme of the series, that means it's time for The View's

Four of our regular team of commentators joined me

in the No Alibis bookshop to pore over the events of the past

12 months, and come up with worthy winners in our

We have Patrick Adiba Rees, we are going to talk about Best Newcomer,

first of all. One is Doug Beattie. Is he really a new,? May 2016,

that's new in terms of how things have developed over the past 12

months. The other one is Kelley Armstrong from the Alliance party.

For me, it was Doug Beattie. He has come into the public domain

relatively recently, he has been unimpressive, impressive on social

media and the way he is willing to tackle difficult subject and also

people within his own constituency -- he has been impressive. Sinead

Bradley is symbolic of the new Cowdray of people who are very

capable. Jeremy Corbyn, one month ago, almost one months ago, was a

laughing stock. It was brought home to me by watching bits of

Glastonbury, which I watched to hear the chance, oh, Jeremy Corbyn. In

terms of the House of Commons when he went back there, he's still like

a wet dish of! You're leaving out the people who came out to campaign

and vote for him. I think it was the hatred of Theresa May. I think you

are wrong. Best use of social media... None of our politicians use

it effectively, in my opinion. I have to vote for talks on. He throws

up things to his supporters, challenges to his opponents. -- I

have to vote for bold Trump. I think Naomi Long is the person who is

still the best person in the Assembly and using social media.

There is an argument that she uses it too much, never off it. Sometimes

goes a bit too fast a purely due have to know at what point to stop,

to walk away, to say, I'm just going to leave at the. The general use of

social media on the DUP going to London and making their deal with

the Tories was a stunning use of social media. And one which

reflected an awful lot of misunderstanding, shallow

understanding, skewed understanding. And absolute accurate understanding

in Britain of politics here. It is a gloriously bonkers world. All of

social media is that. I think the one person who has used it in its

most true way is Donald Trump. Let's move on to political moment of the

year. Deirdre? Martin McGuinness's resignation. The optics of it, the

imagery. He looked so frail, she was visibly and audibly unwell. It was a

clear effort for him. It was a complete shift of Sinn Fein's entire

strategy for the last 15 years in terms of walking away from Stormont,

something that for him had been sacrosanct. There was a BBC

spotlight programme on the RHI, two weeks before that we have the first

joint letter, the first joint peace from beginners and Ireland, we

worked wonderfully well, the -- from Martin McGuinness and Arlene Foster.

Then the whole thing came toppling down. It was the exit poll, for me.

Sitting there on the election programme just before we went on

air, Mark Carruthers said, I know what the exit poll has said, she

whispered. I said, tell us, give us a clue. And he said, no, he was

glossing with secrecy. I said, wiggle your eyebrows at! He didn't

even woggle an eyebrow. Final category... Drum world... Politician

of the year. I think it has to be Arlene Foster. For very bad reasons.

And also for the inescapable reason that this is a woman whose career

went to heaven and hell over one year, and now back to heaven again.

Arlene Foster is propping up the government, and I think that is

terrifying in one sense, actually, it terrifying in every sense, you're

right. She will be the subject of Ph.D. Is for the next few decades.

She has apologised for the crocodile incident, a calamitous choice of

words. If you look at how she has handled this with Downing Street,

she hasn't antagonised nationalism by lots of things. It is

overwhelmingly... I think she did that. She was kept off the stage,

she had a low profile. She could have insisted on doing it but she

didn't do it, that is quite a strength.

Thanks to Sam McBride, Fionnuala O'Connor and Alex Kane,

and to the good people of No Alibis bookstore in Belfast

Let's get to the business end of things, and the results.

Deirdre, you were the fourth member of the panel, so, start us off -

I will give you the envelope and you can do the honours for us.

Congratulations to Doug Beattie, he just happens to be in the room. He

looks pleased! Newton, you fed into the conversation although you were

not able to be there. He only came into the assembly just over one year

ago. Only a few months ago he was named as an obvious choice for

replacement leader of the UUP. Was it unanimous, almost unanimous? From

tonight's conversation when he says things like I have the utmost

respect for the Irish language, he shows he can be pragmatic and think

of a compromise, that's what we need in politics. Good, but no big heads,

we won't stand for that! Well done, Doug. Best use of social media. We

haven't had one for the last six months, a logical bit of pairing to

do with our categories. Anyway, best use of social media? And the winner

is... Highly controversial, Donald Trump! The first challenge we have

is, how do we get the award to him?! Oh, well, if you're asking! He took

a shine to Katrina Perry the other night! There was the woggle of an

eyebrow whenever you heard this decision. I'm not impressed with

this word in general. I think it is most interesting in social media in

Northern Ireland recently with Sinn Fein's decision during the general

election to move all of its campaign especially in north Belfast away

from mainstream media towards social media, that's an interesting

development. He has 32 million followers, he drives the news agenda

and he uses it to his benefit. Or miss uses it to his benefit, we had

that conversation as well. He is him, he is authentic, he is sending

out those tweets and his advisers are going mad in the background, but

that is him and that is the nature of the unpredictable president. And

an honourable mention to the Alliance party leader at Naomi Long,

who spends long nights stuck to her Taufa'ao! The -- to her telephone.

Political moment of the year was hotly contested. Martin McGuinness's

resignation, white and we plumped for that? Well, I think there was,

in the end agreement that that was the memorable political moment of

the year because of how he looks. He was so frail and clearly one. --

clearly unwell. There was visible shock at how frail he was and what a

strange it was for him to do this. Also the implications of bringing

down the Government and what that actually meant. It left his

opponents navel-gazing. They didn't expect it, it was a shock for many

people. Law that was the pivotal moment in our politics of the year.

The decision to bring down the assembly, the extraordinary assembly

meeting at the end of December when Arlene Foster try to make the RHI

statement on all of her authority on the speaker on the assembly just

drained away. It was a hotly contested category, there were lots

of outstanding political moments. Politician of the year, Newton? The

winner is... Arlene Foster. And the point was made, it was politician of

the dear, Finola O'Connor was at pains to point out, not necessarily

best politician, a different things or politician of the year. Political

personality of the year, if that's the right terminology. A year ago we

were thinking about the award and talking about how quick-witted she

was. She was able to link with the people, and yet in a year she was

completely on the ropes. And at this point she appears to be a Phoenix

rising from the ashes. She has bounced back. It was interesting

Peter Robinson was back in the news this week. There was a redemption

story, you learn from 2010. I hope that Arlene Foster will as well.

There good to have you both on the programme, thank you very much for

being with us over the past few weeks.

That's it from The View for this week, and indeed for this series.

But in the meantime, Sunday Politics continues

until mid-July at the usual time of 11:35 here on BBC1.

For now, though, from everyone in the team - goodbye.

The Irish Open is coming back to the north coast.