14/12/2017 The View

Hello and welcome to a special

edition of The View live

from Brussels, at a crucial moment

for the European Union.

The Irish border has been a key

factor in the first phase

of Brexit discussions,

and now it seems Theresa May's

government has done enough

to convince the other member states

to move on to phase two.

cash

cash

But there are still a lot

of unanswered questions, and tonight

we'll try to get some answers.

Here at the heart of

the European Union, the leaders

of the EU member states have been

discussing issues which will have

a profound impact on the UK

and Ireland's future -

north and south.

With the Republic widely

acknowledged as the country facing

the biggest impact from the UK's

withdrawal, I spoke

to the Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar.

that other people supporting Brexit

and realised they are some of the

people creating the problems and I'm

the one with all that. I'm in

Strasbourg speaking to MEPs who will

have approved the final deal so what

are the issues affecting them?

I've been hearing how life

in a post-Brexit Brussels could work

to the advantage of businesses

from both sides of the Irish border.

With the British having removed

themselves from the job market, that

will create a lot of opportunities

for people with Irish citizenship

from the north and the Republic.

And I'll be talking to some

of the people who've been

following the European story

and its many twists

and turns over the years...

Welcome to the European Council

building in Brussels where 18 months

after the referendum,

it seems the UK and the 27 remaining

EU member states are ready to talk

about their future relationship.

Tonight, EU leaders have been having

dinner with Theresa May.

The three tests from phase one -

citizens' rights, the divorce bill

and the most troublesome,

the Irish border, have

now been dealt with -

sufficient progress seems to have

been made to everyone's

satisfaction.

Ireland has, of course,

been at the core of these

negotiations throughout.

It's generally acknowledged

that its trade could be hardest hit

of any EU state when the UK leaves

and there was considerable media

interest in what the Taoiseach,

Leo Varadkar, had to say

as he arrived at the

summit this afternoon.

Can I ask you how concerned you are

that losing last night's vote in the

House of Commons could have

potentially quite seriously damage

the leadership of Theresa May at a

critical time in these negotiations?

I know and understand that may have

a tough job, she is leading a

minority government supported by a

supply arrangement, I can identify

with that because that's what I'm

doing, leading a minority government

to supported by a confidence and

supply agreement but I have faith

and confidence in her she speaks for

the government of the UK. That is

the case as long as she is promised,

we will do water and true tears as

she had an overall majority.

The

Unionists continue to express

concern that the difficulties the

British government are having our

visiting the Irish government with

an opportunity to do what they see

as an all Ireland agenda. They

continue to say that despite the

fact you've made it clear that is

not the position, what is your

message to them as this summit gets

underway?

Our message to all the

people in Northern Ireland whether

they are from a nationalist or

unionist political point of view is

we want to continue on the island of

Ireland is what we have had the last

20th years,

peace, freedom of trade and what is

disrupting that is Brexit. I hope

some of the people are supported and

campaign for Brexit will realise or

at least acknowledge that they are

the ones who created this problem

and I am one of the people trying to

resolve it, trying to attain what we

have had for 20 years, peace on an

island for most of the past 20

years. Power-sharing and free

movement of people, goods, services

and trade between Britain and

Ireland and in Ireland, that's what

I'm working towards.

In terms of how

wide-ranging regulatory alignment

might be in the future if that is

the backstop position which ends up

adopted, is that the six issues that

are mentioned in the Good Friday

Agreement or the 142 that Michel

Barnier's task force talk about?

Are

lots of people for their own

political reasons that will try to

put a particular spin or complexion

on what was agreed last week in the

joint retort. -- report. I will

stand by the language there and

dying which says maintained, full

mod partial alignment and that

applies to the rules of the internal

market and Customs union that are

required to avoid a hard border. And

retain North- South cooperation, the

all Ireland economy, that is the

language used in the document. It is

clear to me.

Thank you.

The Taoiseach, Leo Varadkar,

speaking to me earlier.

And the Prime Minister has

had a bruising 24 hours

after her defeat at Westminster over

the EU withdrawal bill.

But she arrived here earlier

saying she was certain

she will deliver Brexit.

It's clear you have problems in

Parliament, as have to make more

compromises with your own side as

well as parliament?

Look at the

passage of the bill so far, it is

making good process through the

House of Commons. We have actually

had 36 votes of the EU Withdrawal

Bill and 135 of those with an avid

majority of 22. The bill is making

good progress, we are on course to

deliver Brexit, on course for the

vote of the British people. Will you

compromise more? We have 35 out of

our 36 votes on the EU Withdrawal

Bill, it's making good, progress in

the Commons and we will deliver the

sovereign vote on the British people

to leave the European Union, that is

what we will do.

That was political editor

Laura Kuenssberg asking

the questions of Theresa May

and she's with me now along with

RTE's Europe Editor, Tony Connelly.

Welcome to you both. Thanks for

joining us. How difficult, Laura, is

the situation Theresa May is?

Hard

but I think some I will say

something unfashionable. When the

British government and say they are

ready to move to x-rays, that is

something of an achievement for the

government. If you look at

everything that's happened to

Theresa May since you took office,

the crashing loss of the majority in

the election, all sort of rough and

tumble in the Cabinet were

significant decisions in the Tory

party to get this far is something I

have to say, from time to time at

the last six months we have thought

it didn't seem like it was possible.

That doesn't for a second magic away

all of the confrontations and

contradictions, particularly over

the Irish border question, that they

still have to sort out in the next

phase, but I do think tonight the

number ten team is going to leave

here feeling pretty chipper about

what lies ahead.

We gather Leo

Varadkar and Theresa May had a

meeting in the margins of that

dinner. Do you have any idea what

was discussed?

I think it was a

short meeting and I think both sides

will be keen to take the temperature

out of the situation because,

speaking to both sides, it is clear

that Anglo - Irish relations have

been damaged by the last couple of

months. There has been key episodes

along the way, all the way up to the

abort of the deal on the 4th of

September. That week was fairly

intense getting the deal over the

line. And we end up with an

agreement with so much constructive

ambiguity in it that I think we are

storing up a lot of problems for the

future. The fact this is a 3-way

tussle between Dublin, London and

Belfast, the border is back in Irish

politics and that opens up its own

problems from its own toxicity. I

think that meeting tonight was

perhaps to say look, we have our own

troubles my lets meet again in

January, let's talk, we have human

contact again after the trauma in

the past few weeks.

It is

interesting because apparently

Theresa May got a round of applause

when she turned up and Leo Varadkar

was supportive of Theresa May but

they are people starting to feel

sorry for her?

I think there was a

bit of a centre back at home, I have

to say. When you talk to number ten

insiders privately, they detect in

their focus groups, and they would

say this wouldn't they? That they do

hope they do believe that the

platinum are starting to say,

"Goodness me, it is hard for her and

she keeps going. " Now the political

leader would want a sympathy vote,

that is toxic for some leading the

country, but there does seem to be,

they she is still there. Even

despite the difficulty of Brussels

and the bad behaviour inside her own

party. I think that anyone

suggesting, the thing about the

Irish border is not just the

absolutely crucial importance of it

for people north and south of the

border itself, but I we saw in the

last seven days it's kind of became

a proxy for the really deep and

troublesome divisions inside the

Tory party. So when news came as he

broke and then we heard MEPs

suggesting at the beginning of the

week that the British government

rolled over to the concessions from

Dublin, you had Eurosceptics in

Westminster as well as the DUP think

this will not do. We are not going

to have it, we will not put up with

it. And somehow the Irish border at

this comparative early stage of the

real talk, not the part the real

talks, became a proxy, the weather

division was with the Tory party.

Nothing in the last 24 hours has

sold about. What Theresa May has

done has pushed that fight into next

year, it is intriguing to hear you

talking about that, it has been

difficult for both of us, but at

least let's get to do the next bit.

Interesting to hear Leo Varadkar, he

didn't pull any punches. Use

diplomatic language but he's not

happy with a lot of what he was

saying, the DUP leader, he is saying

unions don't see the way he sees it.

He was clear about who was

responsible for the Brexit

difficulties, he is saying is tragic

to other people's mess.

I think

there was a tussle between a the DUP

and the Irish government that got

worse over the past few months. The

DUP fielded an agenda and a unity

agenda, that Leo Varadkar is

putting. -- feel there is an agenda.

It comes on the different tone and

personality that he is compared to

enter Kenny. From the Irish point of

view as we got to this deadline in

December, they felt the British

government was not producing enough

product on the border issue and they

had to raise the stakes, rate it in

November with this whole suggestion

that regulatory alignments with the

customs union and single market,

that was the first time it took

shape in early November. Since then,

I think the DUP has felt alienated

by the Irish government poverty

approach and felt cut out of the

loop in Downing Street, because it's

not a coalition, it's a confidence

and supply arrangement, and they

were not brought in as much as they

would like to have been brought in,

and all of this has come to a head

and the language we have heard from

the DUP about the Irish government

in recent times, I think it will be

hard-fought Simon Cope and need to

get into the room with you DUP to

talk about restoring the executive.

That is a talent. Northern Ireland

does not have a voice at these

discussions and yet that is central

to what is happening as far as

Brexit is concerned. And then the

issue is restoring devolution.

That's right, and also as is my

understanding and I confess I'm no

expert in Northern Irish the correct

me -- geography but in Westminster

there was not a single sitting

Northern Irish MP from a

constituency that nudges up with the

border. We have a Keary a situation

where the people talking the talk in

Westminster do not represent the

areas that are actually affected.

The whole of the North and South is

affected by what others but there

was a question Sinn Fein of course

have strong views on this, they want

to make their voice heard but they

are not part of the Westminster

discussion. Tony pointed to another

thing present right across the

Brexit talks, the idea of suspicion

and all sides. The suspicion the

DUP, the Irish government, suspicion

back that way too. Suspicion also

among Brexiteers in the Tory party

of what the Remainer rebels are

really up to. Suspicion among the

Remainer rebels about what Theresa

May really wants and then suspicion

in the Labour Party about what

Jeremy Corbyn really and vice versa.

There was not much trust between

Brussels, Westminster, Stormont,

Dublin or even inside the political

parties in Westminster itself.

Finally, a bumpy few months ahead?

Yes, you have the huge

contradiction. The Irish government

have a fixed idea about what full

alignment means. They said they have

legal advice on it in stride in the

treaties. The British government's

take on alignment is entirely

different.

Interesting stuff, thanks

for joining us.

We will be back with

dictionaries, what alignment mean?

The Irish government has played

such a prominent role,

Brussels is swarming with presidents

and prime ministers for this summit,

but there are few if any MEPs here.

They've been meeting

in the Strasbourg parliament

all week, one of the three main

cities of the EU.

In the end, they too will get a say

in the final deal with the UK

and John Campbell has been

there to get a range of opinions.

Every month, any people might make

the trip from Brussels to Strasbourg

for its setting for Parliament. Its

presence in the city a symbol of

European reconciliation. The Irish

border has been central to this

first phase of Brexit negotiations.

But, in truth, our reporter is a

mere footnote in European history.

When you compare it to the conflicts

which have raised across this

frontier. I am standing in France,

and cross that bridge, over the

river, that is Germany. Symbols of

European conflict and cooperation

are scattered across Strasbourg.

Which of those parts will be taken

in the next phase of the Brexit box?

The deal we have struck will

guarantee the rights of more than 3

million EU citizens the commitment

given by the UK Government and

make's the late-night negotiations

are treated with scepticism by Sinn

Fein.

Nobody knows the British government

better than us when it comes to

negotiations. They are masters of

duplicity. I think when you look at

the language of the document, it was

laced with contradictions. Even the

commission's communique identified

those contradictions. So, at this

stage, I think the parliament is

made sufficient progress to move it

to phase two, but it is not

complete.

And now, Mrs Dodds, you

have the floor.

Thank you, Mr

President.

The government's DUP

allies are relaxed, having received

reassurances about Northern

Ireland's place in the UK.

Well,

look, we have heard a lot about this

deal. We have heard a lot from some

of our political opponents about

special status for Northern Ireland

within the EU. That is not in the

deal. The deal specifically states

that the United Kingdom, including

Northern Ireland, will leave the

single market and Customs union.

Rules of alignment with the United

Kingdom -- will be United Kingdom

rolls of alignment. We all need to

take a big deep breath, get herself

geared up for that new relationship,

for those essential talks to

providing that a new relationship.

The EU does have the ability to

drain the emotion out of issues, and

then negotiate workable solutions.

But the veteran MEP says the

challenges of this next phase should

not be underestimated.

Look, if we

get a new type of customs deal, if

we get trade, that is totally tariff

free, I think that everything will

flow from that. If we do not, the

work is cut out for the negotiators.

I do not think the next time they

come to make a deal it will be as

easy as the last one, and it was

difficult enough.

So, those are the views from our

local MEPs. But how was the phase

one deal feed from other places?

Germany is the country with the most

are presented as here, 96 out of

751. One of its most prominent MEPs

is happy that talks are moving on,

but, in his view, the central

contradictions of the Irish border

issue has not gone away.

I do see

the problems. On the one hand, the

UK wants to leave the single market

of the customs union. On the other

hand, the UK wants to avoid the

creation of a hard border between

Northern Ireland and the Republic,

but they also want to maintain the

unity of the United Kingdom. This is

certainly too square the circle. The

only possibility I see is that you

have this regulatory alignment in

Northern Ireland, but what this

means for the future relationship

between Northern Ireland and the

rest of the UK is something domestic

British politics will have to

decide. For us, one thing is clear.

Under all circumstances, we want

nothing at all which may be in

danger for the Good Friday

Agreement.

One of his senior colleagues

emphasises that the commitment on

the border need to be legally

kneeled down.

The second phase is

starting parallel negotiations to a

withdrawal agreement. But without

that, the questions of commitment

are clearly a legally binding

settles, and there will be no

transition period and no further

negotiations on the free trade

agreement whatsoever. Therefore,

this is not just for show, to

counter the second phase.

The EU says it needs to know what

sort of relationship the UK want

after it leaves. Be key to how the

border issue is resolved.

Debates,

thoughts, sessions, everything...

The Brexit supporter Daniel Hammond

is very clear about what he wants.

I

want us to have the closest possible

relationship with our European

allies, compatible with being a

sovereign country. Think of Canada

and the US. The Canadians also have

a federation on their doorstep, a

political union. They are not part

of it but they have the closest

relationship with it that you could

have, in not just trade but

security, civil rights and so on. I

think that is not a bad model for

us, that we should become the EU's

best friend and closest ally.

Reconciling that sort of clean break

with a soft border is not going to

be straightforward. MEPs will

continue to be consulted by the EU's

negotiating team of the process

unfolds. Ultimately, whatever is

agreed will have to be approved by

this Parliament.

John has made it back from

Strasbourg and he's with me now.

John, first of all, what is the

relationship late between the EU's

chief negotiator, Michel Barnier,

and the Parliament?

The Parliament

has no formal role in the

negotiations, other than the right

to be regularly updated on progress.

Read at the end of the process, it

does have a vote on the withdrawal

agreement. That means, in practice,

the relationship between Michel

Barnier, the chief negotiator, and

the Parliament is actually very

close. The Parliament has a Brexit

steering group, which is headed by

the energetic -- and energetic

Belgian. Those two men will meet

before each negotiating round,

because really the EU does not want

to get into the position were a deal

is good but is not acceptable to the

Parliament. All along, the

Parliament and Michel Barnier's team

will be unlocked state.

So, good

MEPs theoretically veto it?

Theoretically, yes. But it would

never get to that stage. The EU does

not work that way. There is this

pre-deal which will be announced

tomorrow saying there has been

sufficient progress, so again it

will be like the final deal as well.

You're not going to get into a

position where one body will use the

beetle.

You spoke there are two of

the local MEPs. They have got very

differing views on how they see

Brexit and what they think needs to

happen next. -- to three of our

local MEPs. Have they tried to

influence the Parliament on their

positions on a difficult issue?

Particularly Sinn Fein have been

energetic on doing that, as they see

the Parliament as they waited to

Toshiba Irish bit of this debate,

because they are a member of the

Nordic Green group. That has a

representative on that Brexit

steering committee of the

Parliament. Sinn Fein will work

through them. They will say that

they have shipped some of the

language which has been used in the

Parliament's resolutions. It is not

like the Parliament has adopted Sinn

Fein positions also. For example,

their desire for Northern Ireland to

have a special status has not been

adopted by the Parliament but they

would say they have worked

assiduously. They have talked to as

many MEPs as they can and see it as

a place where they can influence the

debate.

And what is Northern Ireland

business looking for at this stage

in the process? Bcertainty, that is

whatever they want. This transition

period, after we have left the EU

for to years, we will continue to

follow many of the regulations and

rules. Business we want that

transition period kneeled down so

that they will have a breathing

space which will take them to at

least 2021 before a big change.

Thank you very much indeed.

Brussels is home to many of the EU's

institutions and those bodies

generate a mini-economy

of their own made up

of analysts, lobbyists,

and public relations bodies -

and prominent among them

are some familiar accents.

This is right in the heart of

Brussels, it is the home of the

European Commission. This city, of

course, is filling up with diplomats

from right across the European Union

brought this week's crucial summit.

There are a lot of people who live

and work in Brussels right

throughout the year of course, and I

am off to meet three of them to hear

how Brexit is impacting on the

day-to-day life. Nicholas, how

important, first of all, do you see

this week's summit as being?

This is

crucial. This is the turning point

at which we see whether there is

going to be an ordered transition or

a disorderly, chaotic cliff edge to

the entire Brexit process. We have

built up to this. This should have

happened in October, do not forget.

This should have been where we were

three months ago and we are not. We

are now at the stage where we have

seen the government making a deal,

then hints that it may withdraw

partly from that, then moving from

the EU's position. It has been

surprisingly dramatic for a process

that should have been done and

dusted sometime back.

Sean, some

people thought whenever a deal was

reached last Friday that that was

it, we can all breathe a collective

sigh of relief and Brexit had been

put to bed. Nothing could be further

from the truth in fact!

That is

correct. I think last week

businesses, both in the UK and

across the EU, breathe a huge sigh

of relief because this one was the

easy part in the negotiations, from

a business perspective. Phase two,

dealing with complex issues around

regulatory alignment, customs

procedures, Health and Safety, goods

and services and the market, these

are incredibly complex issues.

Your

organisation represents business,

third sector organisations. You've

got a very strong Irish connection,

it is an Irish company of course. Do

you see a lot of common ground with

the issues they are Sean is talking

about as well, the kind of concerns

that the people you are representing

are bringing to the table at the

moment?

Absolutely. I think that

certainty, whether for business or

other organisations, on both sides,

is absolutely critical. How do you

plan what is going to happen in

March 2019, what is going to happen

after a transition? Where are we

actually getting with this? What is

the future of Europe going to look

like without the UK in it? All of

these questions are critical to

decisions that any organisation is

actually contemplating at this

point, and planning ahead to deal

with.

Sean, there are clearly

challenges in all of this, but

business is no stranger to

challenge. Are there also potential

opportunities here that could be

grasped in future?

Indeed, business

is incredibly pragmatic and Brexit

if one of the risks that they have

to deal with, among many, but Brexit

of course is at Management board

level, top management. People are

looking at where are the

opportunities for Brexit. One of the

most evident once is around

exploring markets across the world,

not just the the European Union.

Gill, how do you feel of a challenge

first opportunity?, yes, I was just

going to to that obviously

businesses incredibly pragmatic, but

they need to know what regime they

are operating under, and it is that

lack of certainty to know which has

proved to be the most challenging

thing, I think, that as soon as they

know which conditions they will have

to operate under, they can make

their decisions about where they

want to operate, where they need a

licence, where they want to invest

and where they want to employ

people. It is that lack of certainty

that I think is undermining business

risk at the moment.

Nicholas, there is not a voice for

Northern Ireland at the heart of

this debate at the moment. How big

an issue is that? Irrelevant, or not

very much You can keep up to date

with the latest news and weather

throughout the day via our Twitter

feed it is a huge issue.

The fact

is, the Scottish Government and

Welsh government are here pretty

much every week making sure that

their viewpoint is understood.

Making sure that they are being held

at commission level, Parliament

level. And they do not have

something similar from Northern

Ireland because of the lack of an

Executive. It does make a

difference. It means that we are

being talked about in the third

person all of the time, rather than

the first second person.

Even though we have got a Secretary

of State, even though, clearly, the

Irish dimension is covered by the

Taoiseach?

And, indeed, by the Irish

diplomats here who are extremely

good at ensuring that the Irish

viewpoint is heard clearly. Of

course, the job is not to speak for

Northern Ireland but for the

Republic. They are extremely good at

keeping everyone informed of what

the Irish government is doing, in

fact I have heard comments from the

Scottish Government that they get

better information from Dublin and

London, which is a bit shocking

about the Brexit process.

I agree

about Scotland. I have been an

adviser to the Scottish Government

on Brexit as well and you can see

how important it is for them to stay

connected, how important it is for

them to stress how much part of the

European process they continue to

see themselves being, pre-Brexit,

post-Brexit.

I think it is worth

bearing in mind, well we can

understand and left the Northern

Ireland issue every day, for a lot

of the Europeans, Northern Ireland

has not been in the news for 20

years. There was quite a big

exercise in educating both political

leaders and, indeed, business

representatives from across Europe

widely Northern Ireland questions

are so important, because of the

peace that has resulted from the

Good Friday Agreement.

So, did

Northern Ireland just a pure left

field out of nowhere?

One of the

challenges and it is difficult, a

lot of the issues that have related

to Northern Ireland by Trulli phase

two issues. Actually dealing coming

up with the solutions for phase one

of the Northern Ireland question is

dependent on what future regime the

UK has with the rest of the EU. It's

difficult to have a complex,

comprehensive answer and solution to

the Northern Ireland question

because the commission was very

clear that we had to deal with phase

one issue for phase two.

There is a

gap, clearly, between the British

world to you and the Irish

worldview. -- British worldview.

That brought it into sharp relief.

Will the gap because all will that

be a problem -- or will that be a

problem in the next 18 months and

beyond?

There is a fundamental part

of the British media scene which is

British people and particularly

British politicians tend to read

only British newspaper. The problem

is the French and Germans and indeed

Irish all with their own newspapers

but also read the British newspapers

as well. You therefore have a

situation that everybody else

understands the British worldview

because they are reading it and

hearing it. But there isn't the same

feeling of engagement from the

British side with the rest of Europe

with the rest of the world.

Is that

a position of splendid isolation?

Splendour anyway whether it is

isolation or not. I think that is a

fundamental problem.

Certainly our

feeling and what we are hearing from

sources across the European

government that there is a huge rise

of sympathy for the question about

the border. Particularly for Ireland

as a result of this because they

will suffer some economic hardship.

There is a question about what can

be done to before them. -- support

them.

What do you think post-Brexit

Brussels might look like or is it

too early to start thinking about

that?

You have to think what is the

role of the UK in the European Union

since it started? And join for

economic reasons, is not even for

political reasons. If you look at

the economic agenda of Europe at the

moment, it has now been submitted.

It's around free and fair trade,

open markets, competition, single

market, digital, these are all

agenda points that successive UK

Government and the British community

has pushed. The UK is a strong

advocate. You take one from the

table and you have a shift in access

to a more protectionist agenda

whether it is French or Italian.

There is a big fear within the EU

business community and in certain

governments that the loss of that

British voice and pragmatism of

competition that Europe could become

a bit more inward looking and

protectionist. That is not in the UK

business interest because it is our

biggest trading market.

You agree

that?

Terms of voices, one thing we

will hear more of an Irish voices

from both sides of the border.

English remains the working language

of the European Union and their

weedy rumours after the referendum

that might

in this type -- there were rumours

that might stop at every deal done

is in English. The British removing

themselves from the job market, that

will create opportunities for people

with Irish citizenship from the

north and go public. -- and the

republic. Partly linguistic thing

and partly because there was the

clarity of understanding with the UK

in the future and that will remain

an issue with Brussels for some time

to come.

Fascinating situation,

thank you all very much indeed for

joining us.

That's the view of some

of our ex-pats living

and working here in Brussels.

With me now is our Europe

Correspondent, Kevin Connolly.

And George Parker from the financial

time. Welcome to you both. Kevin

drum of the main business today was

not about Brexit, it's being

discussed tomorrow, Theresa May is

not here?

That's right, there is

ironic moment in the Brexit posters,

the big, good moment for the UK's

point of view, the rules of the EU

will not be here, she now sit the EU

at 28. The rest of the European

Union passed the United Kingdom of

course, she then leads one to talk

about Brexit, that critical moment,

the moment she has been waiting for

when they say the test of sufficient

presence of the past one shall be

back in London, she did as a

compensation as discussed together

round of applause this vehicle. The

first one of the browsers I would

guess possibly the last in the

process for quite some

it's

intriguing she got it, I was asking

Laura Kuenssberg Eardley, was that a

sympathy vote?

European leaders have

loved Bond Theresa May because

they've got fear something worse

like Boris Johnson as leader. They

want to shore up her position,

someone fairly moderate on the

European issue and keep her on

track. We have seen the summit a lot

of support for Theresa May, there

was a moment over aperitif between

Angela Merkel and Theresa May where

they explained pleasantries about

working with minority government.

Our support and sympathy for her.

She had a meeting with Leo Varadkar,

how bigger difficulty is she in at

the moment as a leader, particularly

after losing the vote in the House

of Commons early in the week was

because she has glossed over that.

She says with one photo

-- one-vote among many. How much

that is actually going to matter,

the parliamentary defeat,

atmospherically, people via Tele

macro Leo Varadkar welly saying

-- worry about carrying on talking

to the government because it is the

government. But it does send a chill

through the process that as she

arrives, George, surely the fact she

has just lost a vote is not looking

great.

I think she is in trouble,

they read the British labels and

asked if she can deliver on packs in

2018? Do you think she is in

trouble? Now, I think her weakness

is her strength. People in the

Conservative Party whether they are

Eurosceptic or pro-Europe, think

that moving Theresa May will make

things worse, creating chaos in the

Conservative Party, the leadership

contest, nobody knows who will win,

and the possibility of a general

election and Brexit going up in

smoke. Everybody, such as angler

Michael, Bill Cash, or want to keep

Theresa May going right through to

2018 and Brexit.

We think there will

be significant process to phase two.

Phase one has not been completely

sorted out, there are still

outstanding issues, what are the

next step is to look out for?

Nobody

needs to feel nostalgic about the

celebrated phase one issues of the

border and citizens rights and the

money because they are not fixed.

Just enough process is then made so

far to allow us to stop talking.

First of all, transition. -- starts

talking. First of all, transition,

for the 2019, the UK will feel like

they are in the European Union with

the crucial difference they have no

longer a voice at summits like this

but they will to all intents and

purposes remain a member, then as a

going along, issues like defence

cooperation where Britain feels it

strong, and the feet of trade, the

border, they would say it has been

kicked down the road, they would say

the cam has been lifted up and

carefully placed at a strategic

point of further down the road. That

is far from settled. I don't see

what the settlement on the board is

that squares the circle.

I don't

think there is a solution. It's a

classic fudge and to mix the

metaphors, the fudge has been kicked

down the road. We don't know how you

can fix the situation, that two

different customs regimes existing

alongside each other where you don't

have border control.

Both sides in

that fudge think it has been sorted

out to that satisfaction.

They are

strident about that.

But they

haven't thought of the border

question.

They have sorted out a

load of wording that gets past the

council. Mobley is worked out how to

sort it out, and were speaking to

someone from the Treasury asking

what they will do about it, if you

have ideas, but in a letter and send

them in.

Is not the first time in

the history that the British think

they found an answer to the Irish

question in some form of elastic

wording, this than some point down

the road the elastic will go.

There's plenty to keep you in

business for some future.

This is

going to suck all the energy out of

British politics.

Is in for me for

foreseeable future. It took 11 years

for the British to negotiate into

the European unit in the 1960s, I

wouldn't say it was certain it would

take less time to get back out

again.

Kevin, George, thanks for

joining us.

That's it from this special edition

of The View live from the press

centre in the European Council

building in Brussels,

where some crucial discussions have

been going on and will continue

to go on.

Thanks to everyone here

at the Council for their help.

Join me for Sunday Politics

at 11.35am here on BBC One.

We leave you tonight with some

festive fun from the beautiful

Grande Place here in Brussels.

Thanks for watching. From all of us,

goodbye.